Benjamin Netanyahu

And I said, no, I mean, I don't think that we should accept the premise that we have to wait for the Palestinians because we'll have to wait forever. So I decided to do it differently. I decided to go directly to the Arab capitals and to make the historic Abraham Accords and essentially reversing the equation, not a peace process that goes inside out, but outside in.

And I said, no, I mean, I don't think that we should accept the premise that we have to wait for the Palestinians because we'll have to wait forever. So I decided to do it differently. I decided to go directly to the Arab capitals and to make the historic Abraham Accords and essentially reversing the equation, not a peace process that goes inside out, but outside in.

And we went directly to these countries and forged these breakthrough peace accords with the United Arab Emirates, with Bahrain, with Morocco, and with Sudan. And we're now trying to expand that in a quantum leap.

And we went directly to these countries and forged these breakthrough peace accords with the United Arab Emirates, with Bahrain, with Morocco, and with Sudan. And we're now trying to expand that in a quantum leap.

And we went directly to these countries and forged these breakthrough peace accords with the United Arab Emirates, with Bahrain, with Morocco, and with Sudan. And we're now trying to expand that in a quantum leap.

You know, I'm a student of history, and I read a lot of history, and I read that in the Versailles discussions after World War I, President Woodrow Wilson said, I believe... in open covenants openly arrived at. I have my correction. I believed in open covenants secretly arrived at. So we're not going to advance a Saudi-Israeli peace by having it publicly discussed.

You know, I'm a student of history, and I read a lot of history, and I read that in the Versailles discussions after World War I, President Woodrow Wilson said, I believe... in open covenants openly arrived at. I have my correction. I believed in open covenants secretly arrived at. So we're not going to advance a Saudi-Israeli peace by having it publicly discussed.

You know, I'm a student of history, and I read a lot of history, and I read that in the Versailles discussions after World War I, President Woodrow Wilson said, I believe... in open covenants openly arrived at. I have my correction. I believed in open covenants secretly arrived at. So we're not going to advance a Saudi-Israeli peace by having it publicly discussed.

And in any case, it's a decision of the Saudis if they want to do it. But there's obviously a mutual interest. So here's my view. If we try to wait for the 2% in order to get to the 98%, we're going to fail, and we have failed. If we go to the 98%, we have a much greater chance of persuading the 2%. You know why?

And in any case, it's a decision of the Saudis if they want to do it. But there's obviously a mutual interest. So here's my view. If we try to wait for the 2% in order to get to the 98%, we're going to fail, and we have failed. If we go to the 98%, we have a much greater chance of persuading the 2%. You know why?

And in any case, it's a decision of the Saudis if they want to do it. But there's obviously a mutual interest. So here's my view. If we try to wait for the 2% in order to get to the 98%, we're going to fail, and we have failed. If we go to the 98%, we have a much greater chance of persuading the 2%. You know why?

Because the 2%, the Palestinian hope to vanquish the state of Israel and not make peace with it, is based, among other things, on the assumption that eventually the 98%, the rest of the Arab world, will kick in, and destroy the Jewish state, help them dissolve or destroy the Jewish state. When that hope is taken away, then you begin to have a turn to the realistic solutions of coexistence.

Because the 2%, the Palestinian hope to vanquish the state of Israel and not make peace with it, is based, among other things, on the assumption that eventually the 98%, the rest of the Arab world, will kick in, and destroy the Jewish state, help them dissolve or destroy the Jewish state. When that hope is taken away, then you begin to have a turn to the realistic solutions of coexistence.

Because the 2%, the Palestinian hope to vanquish the state of Israel and not make peace with it, is based, among other things, on the assumption that eventually the 98%, the rest of the Arab world, will kick in, and destroy the Jewish state, help them dissolve or destroy the Jewish state. When that hope is taken away, then you begin to have a turn to the realistic solutions of coexistence.

By the way, they'll require compromise on the Israeli side too. And I'm perfectly cognizant of that and willing to do that, but I think a realistic compromise will be struck much more readily when the conflict between Israel and the Arab states, the Arab world is effectively solved. And I think we're on that path.

By the way, they'll require compromise on the Israeli side too. And I'm perfectly cognizant of that and willing to do that, but I think a realistic compromise will be struck much more readily when the conflict between Israel and the Arab states, the Arab world is effectively solved. And I think we're on that path.

By the way, they'll require compromise on the Israeli side too. And I'm perfectly cognizant of that and willing to do that, but I think a realistic compromise will be struck much more readily when the conflict between Israel and the Arab states, the Arab world is effectively solved. And I think we're on that path.

It was a conceptual change, just like, you know, I've been involved in a few, I told you the conceptual battle is always the most difficult one. And, you know, I had to fight this battle to convert a semi-socialist state into a a free market capitalist state. And I have to say that most people today recognize the power of competition and the benefits of free markets.

It was a conceptual change, just like, you know, I've been involved in a few, I told you the conceptual battle is always the most difficult one. And, you know, I had to fight this battle to convert a semi-socialist state into a a free market capitalist state. And I have to say that most people today recognize the power of competition and the benefits of free markets.

It was a conceptual change, just like, you know, I've been involved in a few, I told you the conceptual battle is always the most difficult one. And, you know, I had to fight this battle to convert a semi-socialist state into a a free market capitalist state. And I have to say that most people today recognize the power of competition and the benefits of free markets.