Caller 10
👤 PersonAppearances Over Time
Podcast Appearances
The president has discussed sending out-of-state troops into blue cities before, largely in the context of cracking down on immigration in sanctuary cities. This is all dangerous language, but going further than just language carries risk for the regime, too. I would not be shocked if we were to see the Texas National Guard or whoever, whichever state,
The president has discussed sending out-of-state troops into blue cities before, largely in the context of cracking down on immigration in sanctuary cities. This is all dangerous language, but going further than just language carries risk for the regime, too. I would not be shocked if we were to see the Texas National Guard or whoever, whichever state,
The president has discussed sending out-of-state troops into blue cities before, largely in the context of cracking down on immigration in sanctuary cities. This is all dangerous language, but going further than just language carries risk for the regime, too. I would not be shocked if we were to see the Texas National Guard or whoever, whichever state,
occupying, let's say, Chicago, after federal law enforcement makes good on the threats that have been made by members of the Trump administration to arrest governors who aid and abet undocumented migrants like J.B. Pritzker. And an act like that would surely spark mass protests in Chicago and very likely elsewhere.
occupying, let's say, Chicago, after federal law enforcement makes good on the threats that have been made by members of the Trump administration to arrest governors who aid and abet undocumented migrants like J.B. Pritzker. And an act like that would surely spark mass protests in Chicago and very likely elsewhere.
occupying, let's say, Chicago, after federal law enforcement makes good on the threats that have been made by members of the Trump administration to arrest governors who aid and abet undocumented migrants like J.B. Pritzker. And an act like that would surely spark mass protests in Chicago and very likely elsewhere.
The fact that a move like that would have such a risk of sparking mass resistance, as well as further legal challenges, might keep the Trump administration focused on smaller fish and less dangerous outrages, at least for the time being. And if that's the route they choose, I think something different might be likely, and I call this potential path forward, the pressure cooker.
The fact that a move like that would have such a risk of sparking mass resistance, as well as further legal challenges, might keep the Trump administration focused on smaller fish and less dangerous outrages, at least for the time being. And if that's the route they choose, I think something different might be likely, and I call this potential path forward, the pressure cooker.
The fact that a move like that would have such a risk of sparking mass resistance, as well as further legal challenges, might keep the Trump administration focused on smaller fish and less dangerous outrages, at least for the time being. And if that's the route they choose, I think something different might be likely, and I call this potential path forward, the pressure cooker.
And we'll talk about that, but first, here's more ads. When public unrest exploded in 2020, it did so after four solid years of buildup. If you'll remember, the earliest fascist-antifascist street clashes of that period started before the 2016 election. These were largely focused around speeches at campuses by right-wing provocateurs and dueling demonstrations in a handful of cities.
And we'll talk about that, but first, here's more ads. When public unrest exploded in 2020, it did so after four solid years of buildup. If you'll remember, the earliest fascist-antifascist street clashes of that period started before the 2016 election. These were largely focused around speeches at campuses by right-wing provocateurs and dueling demonstrations in a handful of cities.
And we'll talk about that, but first, here's more ads. When public unrest exploded in 2020, it did so after four solid years of buildup. If you'll remember, the earliest fascist-antifascist street clashes of that period started before the 2016 election. These were largely focused around speeches at campuses by right-wing provocateurs and dueling demonstrations in a handful of cities.
The first wave of such activity crested in Charlottesville 2017 with tragic results. But the vibe it set and the people it trained continued to take part in street actions, and many of them formed the infrastructural core of the movement that exploded onto the scene after George Floyd's murder.
The first wave of such activity crested in Charlottesville 2017 with tragic results. But the vibe it set and the people it trained continued to take part in street actions, and many of them formed the infrastructural core of the movement that exploded onto the scene after George Floyd's murder.
The first wave of such activity crested in Charlottesville 2017 with tragic results. But the vibe it set and the people it trained continued to take part in street actions, and many of them formed the infrastructural core of the movement that exploded onto the scene after George Floyd's murder.
The last year of serious protests have focused more on the genocide in Gaza than anything, and it's not coincidental that the first wave of deportations have heavily targeted legal residents who took part in those demonstrations. Since Trump took office and Doge started doing its thing, there have been more large-scale demos that focus directly on the regime.
The last year of serious protests have focused more on the genocide in Gaza than anything, and it's not coincidental that the first wave of deportations have heavily targeted legal residents who took part in those demonstrations. Since Trump took office and Doge started doing its thing, there have been more large-scale demos that focus directly on the regime.
The last year of serious protests have focused more on the genocide in Gaza than anything, and it's not coincidental that the first wave of deportations have heavily targeted legal residents who took part in those demonstrations. Since Trump took office and Doge started doing its thing, there have been more large-scale demos that focus directly on the regime.
Now, these have been quite manageable from the regime's point of view, and they have not yet attracted the same kind of crackdown, but that won't remain the case as people grow more desperate.
Now, these have been quite manageable from the regime's point of view, and they have not yet attracted the same kind of crackdown, but that won't remain the case as people grow more desperate.