Christopher Rufo

Because the culture and the administration and the system of rewards and punishments are so openly and irrationally hostile to anyone that contradicts this kind of elite left-wing consensus that they don't even feel comfortable stating their opinions in public. And so that's not a university. That's not academic freedom. That's not a culture of civil debate. And so I don't take his word for it.

Because the culture and the administration and the system of rewards and punishments are so openly and irrationally hostile to anyone that contradicts this kind of elite left-wing consensus that they don't even feel comfortable stating their opinions in public. And so that's not a university. That's not academic freedom. That's not a culture of civil debate. And so I don't take his word for it.

Either he doesn't know what's happening on his own campus, which is bad, or he does know and he's using this kind of misdirection, positing elite left wing ideals while doing the kind of cynical work of institutional management.

Either he doesn't know what's happening on his own campus, which is bad, or he does know and he's using this kind of misdirection, positing elite left wing ideals while doing the kind of cynical work of institutional management.

But again, this shows the remarkable level of egotism and entitlement. What do you mean? He's taking money from taxpayers. You have a reciprocal obligation to taxpayers. This idea that I can enter into contract with you, you can pay me hundreds of millions of dollars. And then I say, I'm not going to do anything in a reciprocal manner to meet my basic responsibilities is not academic independence.

But again, this shows the remarkable level of egotism and entitlement. What do you mean? He's taking money from taxpayers. You have a reciprocal obligation to taxpayers. This idea that I can enter into contract with you, you can pay me hundreds of millions of dollars. And then I say, I'm not going to do anything in a reciprocal manner to meet my basic responsibilities is not academic independence.

You know, that's kind of an academic entitlement. And what I would say also is this, the political right has figured out how to use leverage effectively. The president of Harvard is gone. The president of Penn is gone. The president of Columbia is gone. That's a pretty good track record. That's three for three. You know, that's a hat trick right off the bat. Is that a threat? I mean, seriously.

You know, that's kind of an academic entitlement. And what I would say also is this, the political right has figured out how to use leverage effectively. The president of Harvard is gone. The president of Penn is gone. The president of Columbia is gone. That's a pretty good track record. That's three for three. You know, that's a hat trick right off the bat. Is that a threat? I mean, seriously.

That's up for interpretation. But what I would say is that if it's not a threat, and it could be, it's just a demonstration of the facts. And the facts are that the political right has a greater understanding of institutional politics than at any time in the past half century. And we've demonstrated willingness to not only talk about, but to use the power to advance the public good.

That's up for interpretation. But what I would say is that if it's not a threat, and it could be, it's just a demonstration of the facts. And the facts are that the political right has a greater understanding of institutional politics than at any time in the past half century. And we've demonstrated willingness to not only talk about, but to use the power to advance the public good.

And we're not going to be intimidated or hamstrung or let around.

And we're not going to be intimidated or hamstrung or let around.

Well, the idea that I'm, you know, an equal power to, you know, the universities, which have collectively hundreds of billions of dollars in assets under management. They have, you know, lawyers and PR firms and lobbyists and other agents. But you just described the power that you have discovered online. to rebalance those dynamics. That's right. But it's a power, again, from leverage.

Well, the idea that I'm, you know, an equal power to, you know, the universities, which have collectively hundreds of billions of dollars in assets under management. They have, you know, lawyers and PR firms and lobbyists and other agents. But you just described the power that you have discovered online. to rebalance those dynamics. That's right. But it's a power, again, from leverage.

And so keep the context in mind is important. But the second question is, how do I know that I'm not abusing that power? It's a great question. It's an important question. But what I always have done, and I'm continuing to do,

And so keep the context in mind is important. But the second question is, how do I know that I'm not abusing that power? It's a great question. It's an important question. But what I always have done, and I'm continuing to do,

is i'm always measuring the work that i do first against conscience right to make sure that my own moral intuitions my own moral sense keeps me in in check but because we live in a democratic society we have a constitutional republic i also want to make sure that the policies that i'm advancing also have broad support from the american people and so The president won the election.

is i'm always measuring the work that i do first against conscience right to make sure that my own moral intuitions my own moral sense keeps me in in check but because we live in a democratic society we have a constitutional republic i also want to make sure that the policies that i'm advancing also have broad support from the american people and so The president won the election.

He has the democratic mandate. These ideas have broad public support, and I think they meet the test of conscience. Got it.

He has the democratic mandate. These ideas have broad public support, and I think they meet the test of conscience. Got it.