Hugh Schofield

There is, I think, a lot of frustration and anger against Hamas's actions on 7th of October, and especially from the point of view of Gazans. However, there is far stronger hatred directed at Israel. When we look at public opinion polling, Hamas' standing in Gaza is at about 35%. That's actually quite constant throughout Hamas' history.

There is, I think, a lot of frustration and anger against Hamas's actions on 7th of October, and especially from the point of view of Gazans. However, there is far stronger hatred directed at Israel. When we look at public opinion polling, Hamas' standing in Gaza is at about 35%. That's actually quite constant throughout Hamas' history.

The West Bank, according to one of the most recent polling, is about 37%. That may not seem like a lot, but it needs to be compared to the weakness of the other political parties, especially the Fatah party, which is extremely unpopular at the moment.

The West Bank, according to one of the most recent polling, is about 37%. That may not seem like a lot, but it needs to be compared to the weakness of the other political parties, especially the Fatah party, which is extremely unpopular at the moment.

and fighters of freedom in the world. Chants of Le Pen président at a rally in 2002. This was the high point of his career, when he gave the shock of their lives to France's ruling elites by qualifying for round two of the presidentials. He lost then, of course, heavily to Jacques Chirac.

and fighters of freedom in the world. Chants of Le Pen président at a rally in 2002. This was the high point of his career, when he gave the shock of their lives to France's ruling elites by qualifying for round two of the presidentials. He lost then, of course, heavily to Jacques Chirac.

But what he'd done with his one in five of the vote was show that the ideas he represented, populist, nationalist, far right, racist, whatever the French chose to call them, could no longer be ignored. What followed, the further success of the Front National in recent years under his daughter Marine, was only the confirmation.

But what he'd done with his one in five of the vote was show that the ideas he represented, populist, nationalist, far right, racist, whatever the French chose to call them, could no longer be ignored. What followed, the further success of the Front National in recent years under his daughter Marine, was only the confirmation.

By then, though, Jean-Marie Le Pen had become persona non grata even in his own party. He was a figure of the past, respected, to be sure, for keeping the nationalist flame alive all those years, but whose roots in French Algeria, militarism, Catholicism, now seemed out of date. And above all, whose verbal provocations were an embarrassment.

By then, though, Jean-Marie Le Pen had become persona non grata even in his own party. He was a figure of the past, respected, to be sure, for keeping the nationalist flame alive all those years, but whose roots in French Algeria, militarism, Catholicism, now seemed out of date. And above all, whose verbal provocations were an embarrassment.

Prime among these provocations was a radio interview originally made in 1987 in which Jean-Marie Le Pen said that the gas chambers were a detail of the Second World War. He never, of course, actually denied the gas chambers, but it was a provocation. He was baiting the establishment, as he so enjoyed doing.

Prime among these provocations was a radio interview originally made in 1987 in which Jean-Marie Le Pen said that the gas chambers were a detail of the Second World War. He never, of course, actually denied the gas chambers, but it was a provocation. He was baiting the establishment, as he so enjoyed doing.

And that, indeed, was Jean-Marie Le Pen's trademark throughout his long life, from his Brittany peasant childhood, heading the Law Students' Union, becoming the youngest MP in 1956 under the populist Pierre Pujard, fighting in Indochina and Algeria, and then in 1972, helping set up the party with which he was so long identified.

And that, indeed, was Jean-Marie Le Pen's trademark throughout his long life, from his Brittany peasant childhood, heading the Law Students' Union, becoming the youngest MP in 1956 under the populist Pierre Pujard, fighting in Indochina and Algeria, and then in 1972, helping set up the party with which he was so long identified.

He was an outsider, a man who hated and fought the Gaullist settlement in France post-1958 and found in that cause a channel for his considerable ego. A bully, certainly, but also charming and humorous and a great speaker. He was the bogey of the establishment, especially of the left. But both sides knew what was going on. They needed a pariah, someone to throw into outer political darkness.

He was an outsider, a man who hated and fought the Gaullist settlement in France post-1958 and found in that cause a channel for his considerable ego. A bully, certainly, but also charming and humorous and a great speaker. He was the bogey of the establishment, especially of the left. But both sides knew what was going on. They needed a pariah, someone to throw into outer political darkness.

He loved being that pariah.

He loved being that pariah.

There's been a delegation led by the president and with the former president, François Hollande, who was, of course, present at the time of the attack, the prime minister, François Bayrou, the mayor of Paris. They were there, family members of the dead.

There's been a delegation led by the president and with the former president, François Hollande, who was, of course, present at the time of the attack, the prime minister, François Bayrou, the mayor of Paris. They were there, family members of the dead.