Josh Barro

I mean, for one thing, that reduces his political fearsomeness that I think we have seen with a lot of the reaction to lawless things the administration has done. But I think that also increases the likelihood that a future administration is not going to repeat what they're doing.

I mean, for one thing, that reduces his political fearsomeness that I think we have seen with a lot of the reaction to lawless things the administration has done. But I think that also increases the likelihood that a future administration is not going to repeat what they're doing.

I mean, for one thing, that reduces his political fearsomeness that I think we have seen with a lot of the reaction to lawless things the administration has done. But I think that also increases the likelihood that a future administration is not going to repeat what they're doing.

Yeah, I mean, and I think the other thing that's important to note about the theory of what the Trump administration is doing is it's internally very confused because, you know, the things like that paper that I referenced from Steve Myron that had some of these suggestions about what to do about tariffs in a more orderly manner than what the president has actually done.

Yeah, I mean, and I think the other thing that's important to note about the theory of what the Trump administration is doing is it's internally very confused because, you know, the things like that paper that I referenced from Steve Myron that had some of these suggestions about what to do about tariffs in a more orderly manner than what the president has actually done.

Yeah, I mean, and I think the other thing that's important to note about the theory of what the Trump administration is doing is it's internally very confused because, you know, the things like that paper that I referenced from Steve Myron that had some of these suggestions about what to do about tariffs in a more orderly manner than what the president has actually done.

But the argument from him and from some of the economists around the president has been that you should impose tariffs. And at first, that will strengthen the dollar. But what you ultimately want is a weaker dollar. So the dollar wasn't supposed to weaken yet, but they were eventually supposed to have policies that were going to pursue a weaker dollar.

But the argument from him and from some of the economists around the president has been that you should impose tariffs. And at first, that will strengthen the dollar. But what you ultimately want is a weaker dollar. So the dollar wasn't supposed to weaken yet, but they were eventually supposed to have policies that were going to pursue a weaker dollar.

But the argument from him and from some of the economists around the president has been that you should impose tariffs. And at first, that will strengthen the dollar. But what you ultimately want is a weaker dollar. So the dollar wasn't supposed to weaken yet, but they were eventually supposed to have policies that were going to pursue a weaker dollar.

And the reason for that was supposed to be that a weaker dollar makes the U.S. a more attractive place to invest and do manufacturing. And that's true in the abstract because if you have a weaker dollar, it is cheaper if you're a foreign company to pay U.S. workers than to pay foreign workers because U.S. workers are paid less.

And the reason for that was supposed to be that a weaker dollar makes the U.S. a more attractive place to invest and do manufacturing. And that's true in the abstract because if you have a weaker dollar, it is cheaper if you're a foreign company to pay U.S. workers than to pay foreign workers because U.S. workers are paid less.

And the reason for that was supposed to be that a weaker dollar makes the U.S. a more attractive place to invest and do manufacturing. And that's true in the abstract because if you have a weaker dollar, it is cheaper if you're a foreign company to pay U.S. workers than to pay foreign workers because U.S. workers are paid less.

And that makes the country a more attractive place to do manufacturing. And this has been a stated objective for them. They say that it's a problem. There's a thing that economists call the exorbitant privilege, which is the idea that the US persistently runs trade deficits that are financed by other people around the world buying U.S.

And that makes the country a more attractive place to do manufacturing. And this has been a stated objective for them. They say that it's a problem. There's a thing that economists call the exorbitant privilege, which is the idea that the US persistently runs trade deficits that are financed by other people around the world buying U.S.

And that makes the country a more attractive place to do manufacturing. And this has been a stated objective for them. They say that it's a problem. There's a thing that economists call the exorbitant privilege, which is the idea that the US persistently runs trade deficits that are financed by other people around the world buying U.S.

Treasury bonds because they formed the basis of the global financial system. Basically, the idea is people in China send us dollars, we send them slips of paper that say U.S. government on them, and then we send the dollars back in order to buy actual goods from them. So basically, they're getting slips of paper, we get goods.

Treasury bonds because they formed the basis of the global financial system. Basically, the idea is people in China send us dollars, we send them slips of paper that say U.S. government on them, and then we send the dollars back in order to buy actual goods from them. So basically, they're getting slips of paper, we get goods.

Treasury bonds because they formed the basis of the global financial system. Basically, the idea is people in China send us dollars, we send them slips of paper that say U.S. government on them, and then we send the dollars back in order to buy actual goods from them. So basically, they're getting slips of paper, we get goods.

We enjoy a dollar that is stronger than it otherwise would be, which means that we get to buy more things with each of our dollars, and we enjoy lower interest rates than we'd otherwise have because other people are lending us money because that's the way they store their money. They store it in U.S. government debt. That sounds like quite a good thing, and in fact, it is a good thing.

We enjoy a dollar that is stronger than it otherwise would be, which means that we get to buy more things with each of our dollars, and we enjoy lower interest rates than we'd otherwise have because other people are lending us money because that's the way they store their money. They store it in U.S. government debt. That sounds like quite a good thing, and in fact, it is a good thing.