Leah Litman

Again, a desire to lean on this idea that there is a specialized training and expertise, which again, I can see there is, but they want that to matter more than politics when we need to acknowledge both.

And part of why I wanted to write the book is when you put out the actual reasoning in the decisions and you situate that in terms of here were the political talking points that were happening 20 years before, 10 years before, the language is just totally ripped from it.

And part of why I wanted to write the book is when you put out the actual reasoning in the decisions and you situate that in terms of here were the political talking points that were happening 20 years before, 10 years before, the language is just totally ripped from it.

I mean, John Roberts, again, that super genius guy who was just calling balls and strikes, who's super modern institutionalist, literally struck down a key provision in of the Voting Rights Act Section 5 in Shelby County by saying it illegally discriminated against who?

I mean, John Roberts, again, that super genius guy who was just calling balls and strikes, who's super modern institutionalist, literally struck down a key provision in of the Voting Rights Act Section 5 in Shelby County by saying it illegally discriminated against who?

The former Confederacy, the poor former Confederate states who were victimized for being called out for their history of racial discrimination. And guess whose objection that was to the Voting Rights Act all along? Segregationist Strom Thurmond, who literally called it, right, like political vendettas and retribution and a campaign against a certain part of the country. So

The former Confederacy, the poor former Confederate states who were victimized for being called out for their history of racial discrimination. And guess whose objection that was to the Voting Rights Act all along? Segregationist Strom Thurmond, who literally called it, right, like political vendettas and retribution and a campaign against a certain part of the country. So

Yeah, he whitewashed it, sandwashed it a little, but it's still the same stuff.

Yeah, he whitewashed it, sandwashed it a little, but it's still the same stuff.

Yeah, so in addition to tearing down the institutions, I mean, I think we should understand what the Republican Party has done with the Supreme Court as effectively weaponizing it and capturing the machinery of the state. Because through the Supreme Court, they basically made it so Joe Biden couldn't govern. They took one of his most popular policies, student debt relief, and blew it up.

Yeah, so in addition to tearing down the institutions, I mean, I think we should understand what the Republican Party has done with the Supreme Court as effectively weaponizing it and capturing the machinery of the state. Because through the Supreme Court, they basically made it so Joe Biden couldn't govern. They took one of his most popular policies, student debt relief, and blew it up.

And then you had people blaming Biden and the Democrats for not doing student debt relief when, no, no, no, no, that was the Supreme Court. So as to this institutionalism, institutionalist thing, I agree that is just a big challenge for people on the left, Democrats, center left. You know, I believe there have to be institutions. I believe in the rule of law.

And then you had people blaming Biden and the Democrats for not doing student debt relief when, no, no, no, no, that was the Supreme Court. So as to this institutionalism, institutionalist thing, I agree that is just a big challenge for people on the left, Democrats, center left. You know, I believe there have to be institutions. I believe in the rule of law.

It just also is the case that I look at the institution we currently have, the Supreme Court, and it is not functioning as an institution that is part of a constitutional liberal democracy anymore. should function. And so it needs to be changed. I don't think that makes me not an institutionalist.

It just also is the case that I look at the institution we currently have, the Supreme Court, and it is not functioning as an institution that is part of a constitutional liberal democracy anymore. should function. And so it needs to be changed. I don't think that makes me not an institutionalist.

I actually think that makes me an institutionalist because I actually want to bolster and make this a legitimate functioning place. As to how we get there, I'm not a big fan of this federal society of the left in part because the federal society works in part because the It's based on fringe theories. They are a minority, right?

I actually think that makes me an institutionalist because I actually want to bolster and make this a legitimate functioning place. As to how we get there, I'm not a big fan of this federal society of the left in part because the federal society works in part because the It's based on fringe theories. They are a minority, right?

It's easier to credential people in that system and have those network effects when you're operating with smaller numbers. I think there are parts of the conservative legal movement the left should replicate, campaigning against the court, making the court part of politics. That should absolutely be part of the strategy, like identifying, again, a kind of –

It's easier to credential people in that system and have those network effects when you're operating with smaller numbers. I think there are parts of the conservative legal movement the left should replicate, campaigning against the court, making the court part of politics. That should absolutely be part of the strategy, like identifying, again, a kind of –

common punching bag that we can all mock and make fun of and run against. Like that's part of what makes politics fun and it can be effective as well. And so I think there are components of the conservative legal movement strategy that can be replicated, some that can't and some that shouldn't be.