Rashid Khalidi

The Palestinians are in worse shape today because what's going on in the West Bank is almost invisible. The rolling annexation, the rolling theft of land, the rolling expansion of settlements, the ongoing incorporation of most of the West Bank into Israel, whether it's formally annexed or not. And that process is about to recommence in Gaza. It started in 1967.

The Palestinians are in worse shape today because what's going on in the West Bank is almost invisible. The rolling annexation, the rolling theft of land, the rolling expansion of settlements, the ongoing incorporation of most of the West Bank into Israel, whether it's formally annexed or not. And that process is about to recommence in Gaza. It started in 1967.

The Palestinians are in worse shape today because what's going on in the West Bank is almost invisible. The rolling annexation, the rolling theft of land, the rolling expansion of settlements, the ongoing incorporation of most of the West Bank into Israel, whether it's formally annexed or not. And that process is about to recommence in Gaza. It started in 1967.

It was partially rolled back in 2005 with the evacuation of the settlements and with the removal of the occupation to the frontiers of Gaza rather than being inside of Gaza. So Gaza was controlled and occupied from without rather than from within. It's about to be controlled from within again. So the Palestinians are in that sense worse off. Israel is also, in my view, worse off.

It was partially rolled back in 2005 with the evacuation of the settlements and with the removal of the occupation to the frontiers of Gaza rather than being inside of Gaza. So Gaza was controlled and occupied from without rather than from within. It's about to be controlled from within again. So the Palestinians are in that sense worse off. Israel is also, in my view, worse off.

It was partially rolled back in 2005 with the evacuation of the settlements and with the removal of the occupation to the frontiers of Gaza rather than being inside of Gaza. So Gaza was controlled and occupied from without rather than from within. It's about to be controlled from within again. So the Palestinians are in that sense worse off. Israel is also, in my view, worse off.

Occupation, ethnic cleansing, Colonization produces resistance. If you don't eliminate the population you're colonizing, they will resist. Now, they may try and expel them. In other words, ethnically cleanse them entirely.

Occupation, ethnic cleansing, Colonization produces resistance. If you don't eliminate the population you're colonizing, they will resist. Now, they may try and expel them. In other words, ethnically cleanse them entirely.

Occupation, ethnic cleansing, Colonization produces resistance. If you don't eliminate the population you're colonizing, they will resist. Now, they may try and expel them. In other words, ethnically cleanse them entirely.

I mean, you have to rewind, David. You can't say, what should they have done after October 7th? You put people in a pressure cooker and you don't expect them to explode? Of course they're going to explode. The problem is the pressure cooker. The problem isn't the explosion.

I mean, you have to rewind, David. You can't say, what should they have done after October 7th? You put people in a pressure cooker and you don't expect them to explode? Of course they're going to explode. The problem is the pressure cooker. The problem isn't the explosion.

I mean, you have to rewind, David. You can't say, what should they have done after October 7th? You put people in a pressure cooker and you don't expect them to explode? Of course they're going to explode. The problem is the pressure cooker. The problem isn't the explosion.

I mean, if you start from October 7th, there's only one set of answers, force and more force, which is Israel's almost universal response. to the Palestinian resistance to the colonization of Palestine. There have been exceptions, Rabin, Barak, sort of, Olmert, sort of. But with those few exceptions, it's always been force and more force. And that's what they did, of course, after October 7th.

I mean, if you start from October 7th, there's only one set of answers, force and more force, which is Israel's almost universal response. to the Palestinian resistance to the colonization of Palestine. There have been exceptions, Rabin, Barak, sort of, Olmert, sort of. But with those few exceptions, it's always been force and more force. And that's what they did, of course, after October 7th.

I mean, if you start from October 7th, there's only one set of answers, force and more force, which is Israel's almost universal response. to the Palestinian resistance to the colonization of Palestine. There have been exceptions, Rabin, Barak, sort of, Olmert, sort of. But with those few exceptions, it's always been force and more force. And that's what they did, of course, after October 7th.

But the problem was not starting. It did not start on October 7th.

But the problem was not starting. It did not start on October 7th.

But the problem was not starting. It did not start on October 7th.

I mean, I've made a critique. I mean, if you believe in international humanitarian law, you don't kill civilians. And I've argued this previously. I mean, I quote Iqbal Ahmed, against this enemy, this kind of means, indiscriminate use of violence, is counterproductive politically. It's also immoral, i.e. it violates moral laws. And it's also a violation of international humanitarian law.

I mean, I've made a critique. I mean, if you believe in international humanitarian law, you don't kill civilians. And I've argued this previously. I mean, I quote Iqbal Ahmed, against this enemy, this kind of means, indiscriminate use of violence, is counterproductive politically. It's also immoral, i.e. it violates moral laws. And it's also a violation of international humanitarian law.