Sen. Brian Schatz

I'm doing fine. We're mobilized. We're motivated. We're a little tired from the overnight, but we're doing fine.

I'm doing fine. We're mobilized. We're motivated. We're a little tired from the overnight, but we're doing fine.

Well, we're maximally delaying the vote on Russ vote to run the Office of Management and Budget. And in order to do that, we took to the floor and basically haven't relinquished it. It will be done in a couple of hours. And all Democrats are united against Russ vote. I don't think anybody in the public has ever really paid attention to OMB.

Well, we're maximally delaying the vote on Russ vote to run the Office of Management and Budget. And in order to do that, we took to the floor and basically haven't relinquished it. It will be done in a couple of hours. And all Democrats are united against Russ vote. I don't think anybody in the public has ever really paid attention to OMB.

But the reason that this guy is so important is he's one of the authors of Project 2025. And part of Project 2025 specifically talks about how they think the job of OMB should be especially powerful, that it should be representing, quote, the president's mind in all things, like just weird stuff. And the person who wrote that is Russ Vogt.

But the reason that this guy is so important is he's one of the authors of Project 2025. And part of Project 2025 specifically talks about how they think the job of OMB should be especially powerful, that it should be representing, quote, the president's mind in all things, like just weird stuff. And the person who wrote that is Russ Vogt.

And now the person who is going to assume that position is Russ Vogt. This guy's the architect of the federal funding freeze. He's the architect of illegally dismantling agencies. And so, you know, he's quite a dangerous character. So for those people who thought they were going to get like, we're going to shake up Washington and maybe we'll get some mean tweets.

And now the person who is going to assume that position is Russ Vogt. This guy's the architect of the federal funding freeze. He's the architect of illegally dismantling agencies. And so, you know, he's quite a dangerous character. So for those people who thought they were going to get like, we're going to shake up Washington and maybe we'll get some mean tweets.

They are setting about to dismantle, you know, the American government's capacity to solve basic problems, not like new programs, but Medicaid, Medicare, Head Start, federal firefighters, VA home loans, the Small Business Administration. So this is deadly serious. We are fighting back. And even today, I think there were at least two positive results in the federal courts.

They are setting about to dismantle, you know, the American government's capacity to solve basic problems, not like new programs, but Medicaid, Medicare, Head Start, federal firefighters, VA home loans, the Small Business Administration. So this is deadly serious. We are fighting back. And even today, I think there were at least two positive results in the federal courts.

So part of what we're trying to say to everybody is we will fight where we can. We are in the minority, which means that we're going to, frankly, lose some of these battles because it's going to be 53-47 a lot. But we're starting to see a mass movement out there in the world that is standing up for democracy.

So part of what we're trying to say to everybody is we will fight where we can. We are in the minority, which means that we're going to, frankly, lose some of these battles because it's going to be 53-47 a lot. But we're starting to see a mass movement out there in the world that is standing up for democracy.

And by the way, we are starting to see that, yes, the things that he is doing are illegal and they are being found to be illegal and they are being stopped by the courts. one of Trump's magical sort of political powers is to get people to believe things that are flatly not true about him.

And by the way, we are starting to see that, yes, the things that he is doing are illegal and they are being found to be illegal and they are being stopped by the courts. one of Trump's magical sort of political powers is to get people to believe things that are flatly not true about him.

And he's trying to EO his way around the fact that the stuff that he's doing or the stuff that he wants to do is so unpopular, there's no way it would get through any legislative body. They can't pass a bill. So they just like write it down as if that makes it law. That's not actually how it works.

And he's trying to EO his way around the fact that the stuff that he's doing or the stuff that he wants to do is so unpopular, there's no way it would get through any legislative body. They can't pass a bill. So they just like write it down as if that makes it law. That's not actually how it works.

Yeah.

Yeah.

Yeah, that's right. I mean, but also it's so radical that it sort of benefits us because, you know, it's not the frog being boiled, right? It's the frog being fried. And so everybody's kind of like, okay, I'm out of my slumber now, right? There is no... There is no ability to relax. There is no ability for anybody to claim, well, why don't you guys give him a chance?

Yeah, that's right. I mean, but also it's so radical that it sort of benefits us because, you know, it's not the frog being boiled, right? It's the frog being fried. And so everybody's kind of like, okay, I'm out of my slumber now, right? There is no... There is no ability to relax. There is no ability for anybody to claim, well, why don't you guys give him a chance?

Or there's no ability for even the punditocracy to like stroke their chins and say, there the Democrats go again. I can't believe they're overreacting. This is no big deal. He's basically a normal Republican and they're complaining about outcomes, but they don't like the outcomes. So they're saying democracy is at stake. Nobody can credibly claim that what's happening is,

Or there's no ability for even the punditocracy to like stroke their chins and say, there the Democrats go again. I can't believe they're overreacting. This is no big deal. He's basically a normal Republican and they're complaining about outcomes, but they don't like the outcomes. So they're saying democracy is at stake. Nobody can credibly claim that what's happening is,

um, is legal and they have a very specific theory of action, which is, you know, as they talked about, you know, muzzle speed flood the zone, but you know, that's a fancy way of saying we're going to do a ton of illegal stuff, uh, at the same time and see if like one or two of them will stick. And, you know, I thought Ezra Klein last Sunday wrote a very nice piece called don't believe him.

um, is legal and they have a very specific theory of action, which is, you know, as they talked about, you know, muzzle speed flood the zone, but you know, that's a fancy way of saying we're going to do a ton of illegal stuff, uh, at the same time and see if like one or two of them will stick. And, you know, I thought Ezra Klein last Sunday wrote a very nice piece called don't believe him.

And I think he got criticized, uh, you know, by the internet, um, for, uh, for being too casual about the Trump presidency, and that's not how I took it. I think we should be totally alarmed, but we also shouldn't concede our power away, either our people power or our ability to win in the courts or our ability to at least gum up the works legislatively

And I think he got criticized, uh, you know, by the internet, um, for, uh, for being too casual about the Trump presidency, and that's not how I took it. I think we should be totally alarmed, but we also shouldn't concede our power away, either our people power or our ability to win in the courts or our ability to at least gum up the works legislatively

There's this sense that the coolest thing on the left to do is to catastrophize and say we've already lost, that the Democrats are hopeless, that the movement is dead, and that, ha, ha, ha, ha, ha, I'm so left that I don't even want to participate in the left anymore.

There's this sense that the coolest thing on the left to do is to catastrophize and say we've already lost, that the Democrats are hopeless, that the movement is dead, and that, ha, ha, ha, ha, ha, I'm so left that I don't even want to participate in the left anymore.

And I think everyone's like normal people who want to fight for our democracy and fight for our country are saying, yeah, enough of that bullshit. Activism is not just getting into someone's replies and saying, why aren't you fighting harder? It's figuring out how you personally can fight harder.

And I think everyone's like normal people who want to fight for our democracy and fight for our country are saying, yeah, enough of that bullshit. Activism is not just getting into someone's replies and saying, why aren't you fighting harder? It's figuring out how you personally can fight harder.

And I think one of the places that I've seen over the last week, you know, real courage is within the federal government. A bunch of people are starting to disobey. or I should say, decline to execute illegal orders, to establish themselves as whistleblowers, to stand in front of federal buildings and protest, which is not risk-free.

And I think one of the places that I've seen over the last week, you know, real courage is within the federal government. A bunch of people are starting to disobey. or I should say, decline to execute illegal orders, to establish themselves as whistleblowers, to stand in front of federal buildings and protest, which is not risk-free.

But I think once you start to see each other, right, there really is strength and safety in numbers. And I don't want to get too philosophical about this, but I just do think there's something very important about showing up in real life when you start to see each other on the street and not just intermediated through an app that you go, okay, I got friends here. This is real.

But I think once you start to see each other, right, there really is strength and safety in numbers. And I don't want to get too philosophical about this, but I just do think there's something very important about showing up in real life when you start to see each other on the street and not just intermediated through an app that you go, okay, I got friends here. This is real.

I'm in, um, let's go. We're going to win this thing. We may be getting our butts kicked for the next six weeks, but six weeks is not six years. Um, And other Americans have faced other challenges to the American experiment. And they did not simply tweet, we're cooked. They fought like hell and they continued the experiment.

I'm in, um, let's go. We're going to win this thing. We may be getting our butts kicked for the next six weeks, but six weeks is not six years. Um, And other Americans have faced other challenges to the American experiment. And they did not simply tweet, we're cooked. They fought like hell and they continued the experiment.

Well, think of it this way. There are certain things that need you know, 51 votes and certain things that need 60. So anytime it's 51 votes, all we can do is make our best case and delay them a little. And by a little, I mean 15 minutes, 27 minutes, 45 minutes, sometimes not at all.

Well, think of it this way. There are certain things that need you know, 51 votes and certain things that need 60. So anytime it's 51 votes, all we can do is make our best case and delay them a little. And by a little, I mean 15 minutes, 27 minutes, 45 minutes, sometimes not at all.

And, you know, we can make a nuisance of ourselves in small ways, but that's not really changing either public opinion or the situation on the ground. They're not getting their cabinet any slower if we do minor procedural roadblocks. And by the way, we are doing all of the, you know, in and out of a quorum call or in and out of executive session, but there's no magic bullet called slow them down.

And, you know, we can make a nuisance of ourselves in small ways, but that's not really changing either public opinion or the situation on the ground. They're not getting their cabinet any slower if we do minor procedural roadblocks. And by the way, we are doing all of the, you know, in and out of a quorum call or in and out of executive session, but there's no magic bullet called slow them down.

Remember that the people talking about Mitch McConnell's obstructionism are talking about an era when the cabinet needed 60 votes. Now the cabinet needs 51 and they've got 53. So everybody needs to understand they're very likely to get their entire cabinet. And all we can do is scream bloody murder about how dangerous this is. Then there comes a point this year, and it's not that long from now,

Remember that the people talking about Mitch McConnell's obstructionism are talking about an era when the cabinet needed 60 votes. Now the cabinet needs 51 and they've got 53. So everybody needs to understand they're very likely to get their entire cabinet. And all we can do is scream bloody murder about how dangerous this is. Then there comes a point this year, and it's not that long from now,

when they need 60 votes for regular legislation. And that's when Democrats are very relevant because they need seven more than 53. And that's when the Democratic senators can exert some authority and use some leverage. I'm not prepared to sort of tell you exactly how we're going to do that because... Frankly, we have to become united, and that's a leadership call. That's a joint decision.

when they need 60 votes for regular legislation. And that's when Democrats are very relevant because they need seven more than 53. And that's when the Democratic senators can exert some authority and use some leverage. I'm not prepared to sort of tell you exactly how we're going to do that because... Frankly, we have to become united, and that's a leadership call. That's a joint decision.

But we're not casual about those moments in time when we actually do have raw leverage to push back on what's happening. Right now, we have very little ability to stop them. And the best thing we can do is, as you say, make them own these votes. I do not think the RFK Jr. yes vote is going to age well. I don't think the Pete Hegseth vote is going to age well.

But we're not casual about those moments in time when we actually do have raw leverage to push back on what's happening. Right now, we have very little ability to stop them. And the best thing we can do is, as you say, make them own these votes. I do not think the RFK Jr. yes vote is going to age well. I don't think the Pete Hegseth vote is going to age well.

Obviously, Kash Patel and all the rest of it. And but I'll also just say that to be to be fair to folks who are frustrated about They're not sure what we're supposed to be doing, but they know we're not supposed to be doing nothing. One of the reasons that people were, I think, fired up at this 30 hours on the floor is it was something. We're fighting. We're showing some fight.

Obviously, Kash Patel and all the rest of it. And but I'll also just say that to be to be fair to folks who are frustrated about They're not sure what we're supposed to be doing, but they know we're not supposed to be doing nothing. One of the reasons that people were, I think, fired up at this 30 hours on the floor is it was something. We're fighting. We're showing some fight.

We understand the urgency of the moment, but it's like the old Steve Jobs used to say, people don't know what they want until you show it to them. It is not their job to say, why don't you put the Senate in a quorum call? Because I take that as a I'm at the end of my rope. Would you please tell me what you're doing here? And let me just tell you my theory of change here.

We understand the urgency of the moment, but it's like the old Steve Jobs used to say, people don't know what they want until you show it to them. It is not their job to say, why don't you put the Senate in a quorum call? Because I take that as a I'm at the end of my rope. Would you please tell me what you're doing here? And let me just tell you my theory of change here.

Yes, we can come up the works and we should. Yes, we will have actual raw leverage on the vote count later, and we should use that as ruthlessly and aggressively as we can.

Yes, we can come up the works and we should. Yes, we will have actual raw leverage on the vote count later, and we should use that as ruthlessly and aggressively as we can.

I also think, you know, let's not underestimate the power of the federal courts to declare, and this has already borne fruit, what the President of the United States is doing as flatly illegal, and to enjoin and stop those actions.

I also think, you know, let's not underestimate the power of the federal courts to declare, and this has already borne fruit, what the President of the United States is doing as flatly illegal, and to enjoin and stop those actions.

And then I think we also have to together as citizens build a mass movement because when you're fighting autocracy and you know this as well as anybody, you need the legitimacy of people on your side. So it's not just us fighting and then people either cheering us on or not cheering us on social media. People need to see each other in three dimension. It has to be tens of thousands of people.

And then I think we also have to together as citizens build a mass movement because when you're fighting autocracy and you know this as well as anybody, you need the legitimacy of people on your side. So it's not just us fighting and then people either cheering us on or not cheering us on social media. People need to see each other in three dimension. It has to be tens of thousands of people.

It has to be peaceful. We have to have the moral high ground. But the way to beat autocracy is not just like legislative maneuvering. It's actual people power. And let's not forget that.

It has to be peaceful. We have to have the moral high ground. But the way to beat autocracy is not just like legislative maneuvering. It's actual people power. And let's not forget that.

What it means in practice is that there are a bunch of State Department nominations because – let me back up. A lot of these nominations are mandatory two hours. And so that doesn't sound like a long time, but there are hundreds and hundreds of them. So when, for instance, Tuberville held up all the military nominations – These are like a two-star becoming a three-star.

What it means in practice is that there are a bunch of State Department nominations because – let me back up. A lot of these nominations are mandatory two hours. And so that doesn't sound like a long time, but there are hundreds and hundreds of them. So when, for instance, Tuberville held up all the military nominations – These are like a two-star becoming a three-star.

There were a thousand of them. And some folks were like, why don't you go to the floor and just start plowing through them? And the answer is because it's a thousand nominations times two hours, we would have been in the Senate for a year and a half confirming a bunch of rear admirals and literally have no time for anything else.

There were a thousand of them. And some folks were like, why don't you go to the floor and just start plowing through them? And the answer is because it's a thousand nominations times two hours, we would have been in the Senate for a year and a half confirming a bunch of rear admirals and literally have no time for anything else.

And so it does gum up their ability to get ambassadors and assistant secretaries through, but anyone they really want to get through, they just allocate the time and do it. And my, I haven't actually said this anywhere else because I just, I issued the press release sort of without going through too much of a internal policy planning program. Okay.

And so it does gum up their ability to get ambassadors and assistant secretaries through, but anyone they really want to get through, they just allocate the time and do it. And my, I haven't actually said this anywhere else because I just, I issued the press release sort of without going through too much of a internal policy planning program. Okay.

Well, it wasn't quite Trumpy. I mean, I had with me, but I just told him this is what I wanted to do. Um, Look, I am actually a little more willing than people may know to have a negotiation about how USAID is done.

Well, it wasn't quite Trumpy. I mean, I had with me, but I just told him this is what I wanted to do. Um, Look, I am actually a little more willing than people may know to have a negotiation about how USAID is done.

I think that it's not unreasonable to ask the question, if we've got the Belt and Road and everybody watches what China is doing and says, wow, that's really smart that they're all around the world helping folks, but it's also aligned with their economic and geopolitical, geostrategic objectives.

I think that it's not unreasonable to ask the question, if we've got the Belt and Road and everybody watches what China is doing and says, wow, that's really smart that they're all around the world helping folks, but it's also aligned with their economic and geopolitical, geostrategic objectives.

USAID does some of that, but there's an argument, and it's been on a bipartisan basis, that sometimes USAID is even at cross purposes with the State Department. So I'm open to better alignment. I'm also open to the idea that we should reduce overhead. I think wherever we can reduce overhead, we should.

USAID does some of that, but there's an argument, and it's been on a bipartisan basis, that sometimes USAID is even at cross purposes with the State Department. So I'm open to better alignment. I'm also open to the idea that we should reduce overhead. I think wherever we can reduce overhead, we should.

And I'm also open to the idea that, yes, there's some civil society stuff that we should be funding. But, you know, I'm not sure we should ever fund an opera. overseas if we haven't gotten everybody who needs a mosquito net a mosquito net. So I am actually open-minded to reforms if they're done through, you know, a regular legislative process.

And I'm also open to the idea that, yes, there's some civil society stuff that we should be funding. But, you know, I'm not sure we should ever fund an opera. overseas if we haven't gotten everybody who needs a mosquito net a mosquito net. So I am actually open-minded to reforms if they're done through, you know, a regular legislative process.

I've just told everybody I will only arrive at the negotiating table once the agency is reopened. And right now they're shuttering the whole place. I mean, just flatly legally, it is an extraordinary thing they're doing. They are bringing...

I've just told everybody I will only arrive at the negotiating table once the agency is reopened. And right now they're shuttering the whole place. I mean, just flatly legally, it is an extraordinary thing they're doing. They are bringing...

Thousands and thousands of patriotic Americans, skilled Americans who have set up a life in wherever it is, in Asia or South America or Central America or Africa or wherever it is. They brought their family there. And then they just got this email saying you're coming home within the next 30 days. It's just a rotten thing to do to humans.

Thousands and thousands of patriotic Americans, skilled Americans who have set up a life in wherever it is, in Asia or South America or Central America or Africa or wherever it is. They brought their family there. And then they just got this email saying you're coming home within the next 30 days. It's just a rotten thing to do to humans.

But also, you know, we may end up with eight people from our primary development agency in all of Asia. Like, this is nuts. There's Marburg's disease in Tanzania. There's Ebola in Uganda. So I actually think this is going to back up on Donald Trump. And I know there's some conventional wisdom knocking around that foreign aid, people don't care about it.

But also, you know, we may end up with eight people from our primary development agency in all of Asia. Like, this is nuts. There's Marburg's disease in Tanzania. There's Ebola in Uganda. So I actually think this is going to back up on Donald Trump. And I know there's some conventional wisdom knocking around that foreign aid, people don't care about it.

And I stipulate to the idea that if you took a poll... Most people would not rank foreign aid as their top priority. But it's one of those things where like also people wouldn't rank the FAA as their top priority. People don't rank food inspections as their top priority until any of those things cause a disruption at home, a lack of stability and safety at home.

And I stipulate to the idea that if you took a poll... Most people would not rank foreign aid as their top priority. But it's one of those things where like also people wouldn't rank the FAA as their top priority. People don't rank food inspections as their top priority until any of those things cause a disruption at home, a lack of stability and safety at home.

And I think, you know, these diseases know no political or geographic boundaries. And this is a very serious situation.

And I think, you know, these diseases know no political or geographic boundaries. And this is a very serious situation.

Yeah, I mean, and you know, look, I mean, I'm not rooting for Donald Trump, but I am trying to solve this problem. And so, you know, one of the things I've said to Republican colleagues is like, I get that foreign aid is not on the top of your list, except when we have our first Ebola case, you know, in the United States. And people are going to say, wait, what the hell?

Yeah, I mean, and you know, look, I mean, I'm not rooting for Donald Trump, but I am trying to solve this problem. And so, you know, one of the things I've said to Republican colleagues is like, I get that foreign aid is not on the top of your list, except when we have our first Ebola case, you know, in the United States. And people are going to say, wait, what the hell?

We don't monitor this anymore? Or PEPFAR is shut down. And PEPFAR is shut down. The HIV-AIDS prevention program, which has saved tens of millions of lives, is shut down. It's technically not. But the problem is that everyone's shut out of their email. Literally, people can't even operate. They've been sent home.

We don't monitor this anymore? Or PEPFAR is shut down. And PEPFAR is shut down. The HIV-AIDS prevention program, which has saved tens of millions of lives, is shut down. It's technically not. But the problem is that everyone's shut out of their email. Literally, people can't even operate. They've been sent home.

And nominally, in order to pretend to not violate federal civil service laws and other laws, They're saying, we'll still pay you, please work from home. But then they shut them out of their emails, which I, by the way is, you know, I'm not a lawyer, but I'm smart enough to understand this.

And nominally, in order to pretend to not violate federal civil service laws and other laws, They're saying, we'll still pay you, please work from home. But then they shut them out of their emails, which I, by the way is, you know, I'm not a lawyer, but I'm smart enough to understand this.

It's one thing to send people home to telework, but if you don't have a reason to do that, and then you shut them out of their ability to work, then it's all a pretext, right? And then you are just de facto shutting down the agency. And that's why I'm very, very confident that this will also be found to be in violation of the law. But this one in particular, USAID, it's an arson job, right?

It's one thing to send people home to telework, but if you don't have a reason to do that, and then you shut them out of their ability to work, then it's all a pretext, right? And then you are just de facto shutting down the agency. And that's why I'm very, very confident that this will also be found to be in violation of the law. But this one in particular, USAID, it's an arson job, right?

The other ones they're trying to see what they can get away with NSF, Small Business Administration, VA, and it's really super damaging. This one they want to, I think they know they only have a couple more days before the full freak out happens with the media and international attention. And by the way, we have, sorry to get all fired up here, but we have the Munich Security Conference next week.

The other ones they're trying to see what they can get away with NSF, Small Business Administration, VA, and it's really super damaging. This one they want to, I think they know they only have a couple more days before the full freak out happens with the media and international attention. And by the way, we have, sorry to get all fired up here, but we have the Munich Security Conference next week.

We have a bipartisan delegation of United States senators. J.D. Vance is going to be there. I'm assuming Secretary Rubio is going to be there. All we're going to spend our time doing is getting yelled at. Why did you shut off the primary arm of goodwill internationally? Usually, the Munich Security Conference is a three-dimensional example of why America remains the indispensable nation.

We have a bipartisan delegation of United States senators. J.D. Vance is going to be there. I'm assuming Secretary Rubio is going to be there. All we're going to spend our time doing is getting yelled at. Why did you shut off the primary arm of goodwill internationally? Usually, the Munich Security Conference is a three-dimensional example of why America remains the indispensable nation.

Everybody's hanging on our every word. Everyone wants to know what direction we're going in. And I think it's not going to be that. I think we're going to get just, I mean, people will be polite, some of them.

Everybody's hanging on our every word. Everyone wants to know what direction we're going in. And I think it's not going to be that. I think we're going to get just, I mean, people will be polite, some of them.

But whether it's Africa or Asia or Central Europe or anywhere else, people are just getting the first item on their list when we have our bilateral meetings is, what the hell did you do to PEPFAR? What the hell did you do to disease prevention? What the hell did you do to foreign military financing or any of the economic supports?

But whether it's Africa or Asia or Central Europe or anywhere else, people are just getting the first item on their list when we have our bilateral meetings is, what the hell did you do to PEPFAR? What the hell did you do to disease prevention? What the hell did you do to foreign military financing or any of the economic supports?

This is such small money in the scheme of things that we need to understand it for what it is. It is not a budget or fiscal question. This is a this is a. America first policy, right? What they want is for us to recede from the rest of the world. They want our government to be about half as big. They want it to do way fewer things. And they want, I mean, it is a quite radical vision.

This is such small money in the scheme of things that we need to understand it for what it is. It is not a budget or fiscal question. This is a this is a. America first policy, right? What they want is for us to recede from the rest of the world. They want our government to be about half as big. They want it to do way fewer things. And they want, I mean, it is a quite radical vision.

They don't want FEMA to exist. They think the FAA should have AI doing air traffic control. I mean, it's a very creepy, radical vision.

They don't want FEMA to exist. They think the FAA should have AI doing air traffic control. I mean, it's a very creepy, radical vision.

And I'm not sure Donald Trump cares one way or another about all this, but he is letting these, you know, combination of these sort of, you know, oligarch tech dudes and whatever, and some old school right wing think tank people just kind of have the run of the place.

And I'm not sure Donald Trump cares one way or another about all this, but he is letting these, you know, combination of these sort of, you know, oligarch tech dudes and whatever, and some old school right wing think tank people just kind of have the run of the place.

I don't know. I just don't know. I've certainly had conversations with, I mean, seven to 10 Republicans who have a real stomachache about this thing in particular, because as as much as I disagree with many of them about almost everything, a lot of them don't want, you know, babies dying on their conscience. And the question is whether they're going to exert themselves.

I don't know. I just don't know. I've certainly had conversations with, I mean, seven to 10 Republicans who have a real stomachache about this thing in particular, because as as much as I disagree with many of them about almost everything, a lot of them don't want, you know, babies dying on their conscience. And the question is whether they're going to exert themselves.

So this weekend, the Republican senators are going to be meeting with the president and we'll see. I mean, you know, I think it's not a I mean, it's probably a safe bet to to assume, no, they will not step up. And even if like handicapping wise, maybe I still think there will be instances where they stand up for themselves. what they think is important. I think there has to be more time elapsed.

So this weekend, the Republican senators are going to be meeting with the president and we'll see. I mean, you know, I think it's not a I mean, it's probably a safe bet to to assume, no, they will not step up. And even if like handicapping wise, maybe I still think there will be instances where they stand up for themselves. what they think is important. I think there has to be more time elapsed.

And one of the conversations I'm having with some folks is, I don't think the question is time elapsed. I think it is damage done. And if they're doing the damage super quickly, you may not have six months Um, but I think there's also a human psychology element, which is if it, if it sort of piles up over six months, it's easier to get there to displaying your independence.

And one of the conversations I'm having with some folks is, I don't think the question is time elapsed. I think it is damage done. And if they're doing the damage super quickly, you may not have six months Um, but I think there's also a human psychology element, which is if it, if it sort of piles up over six months, it's easier to get there to displaying your independence.

If it all happens at once, it looks like to them, you know, you're immediately turning on the newly inaugurated president. So they've got a tight rope to walk. Um, some of them do that more skillfully and frankly, more honorably than others. And, um, My job is obviously to articulate, to try to slow them down, to articulate to the public where I think the country is going in the wrong direction.

If it all happens at once, it looks like to them, you know, you're immediately turning on the newly inaugurated president. So they've got a tight rope to walk. Um, some of them do that more skillfully and frankly, more honorably than others. And, um, My job is obviously to articulate, to try to slow them down, to articulate to the public where I think the country is going in the wrong direction.

And that part, on some level, is the easy part. But I'm still trying to find three or four votes for certain things.

And that part, on some level, is the easy part. But I'm still trying to find three or four votes for certain things.

Um, because that is the job and um, and I think we should all Hope that our democratic senators are in the business of describing how horrific all this is in the business of trying to slow it down but also in the business of Trying to do the senator thing which is to find four votes to stop all this crazy shit And if it if it is if we're unable to do so then um

Um, because that is the job and um, and I think we should all Hope that our democratic senators are in the business of describing how horrific all this is in the business of trying to slow it down but also in the business of Trying to do the senator thing which is to find four votes to stop all this crazy shit And if it if it is if we're unable to do so then um

then at least we know that we've exhausted the possibility and that we can go, you know, rhetorically speaking, full thermonuclear.

then at least we know that we've exhausted the possibility and that we can go, you know, rhetorically speaking, full thermonuclear.

Look, I remember there was a lot of that kind of chatter about Nancy Pelosi as she was speaker. And then there were various moments during which we went, okay. She's really very good at this. And I just... Chuck Schumer is really very good at this. Is it true that he's new to the internet age? Sure, but so am I, frankly. So I just worry about the theater criticism part of the job, right?

Look, I remember there was a lot of that kind of chatter about Nancy Pelosi as she was speaker. And then there were various moments during which we went, okay. She's really very good at this. And I just... Chuck Schumer is really very good at this. Is it true that he's new to the internet age? Sure, but so am I, frankly. So I just worry about the theater criticism part of the job, right?

Like, we need to cheer each other up.

Like, we need to cheer each other up.

Well, let me, let me answer the question this way. Um, you know, Chuck has, um, designated Cory Booker and Tina Smith to kind of get us to be better at digital. And, um, Look, I think you're exactly identifying the problem, which is we can say exactly the right thing, but if nobody sees it, it doesn't matter.

Well, let me, let me answer the question this way. Um, you know, Chuck has, um, designated Cory Booker and Tina Smith to kind of get us to be better at digital. And, um, Look, I think you're exactly identifying the problem, which is we can say exactly the right thing, but if nobody sees it, it doesn't matter.

And the problem with the kind of battle-tested way of doing things from the past is you pull a thing, Among the things on the list of things you polled, you pick the one that's at 70 and not 67 and not 64. And then you say the thing that polls the best.

And the problem with the kind of battle-tested way of doing things from the past is you pull a thing, Among the things on the list of things you polled, you pick the one that's at 70 and not 67 and not 64. And then you say the thing that polls the best.

The problem with that model is it's very likely that the thing that polls the best is also the thing that is the least offensive, because that's why it polls the best. So it's really a kind of lowest common denominator. Which thing do you find least objectionable?

The problem with that model is it's very likely that the thing that polls the best is also the thing that is the least offensive, because that's why it polls the best. So it's really a kind of lowest common denominator. Which thing do you find least objectionable?

And that might work if you're in the mode of making a television commercial and basically forcing it into the brains of a bunch of viewers. But it will not go viral because it's definitionally not interesting.

And that might work if you're in the mode of making a television commercial and basically forcing it into the brains of a bunch of viewers. But it will not go viral because it's definitionally not interesting.

And so that's where I think Trump is brilliant, right? They're eating the dogs. They're eating the cats. That was offensive. It hurt him in the short run. But he, again, surfaced the question of immigration. And what happens is he suffers for two days looking like an idiot. But then on the third day, people go, yeah, but you know, he's got a point about immigration.

And so that's where I think Trump is brilliant, right? They're eating the dogs. They're eating the cats. That was offensive. It hurt him in the short run. But he, again, surfaced the question of immigration. And what happens is he suffers for two days looking like an idiot. But then on the third day, people go, yeah, but you know, he's got a point about immigration.

And then we're talking about the thing that he wanted us to talk about. So his ability to command attention is not a trivial thing. Now we have a structural problem, as you pointed out, When you're out of power, you just definitionally don't have a leader until you have a nominee, right?

And then we're talking about the thing that he wanted us to talk about. So his ability to command attention is not a trivial thing. Now we have a structural problem, as you pointed out, When you're out of power, you just definitionally don't have a leader until you have a nominee, right?

We could say it's the Democratic Party chairman, we could say it's Chuck, we could say it's Hakeem, but the truth is, there's not gonna be a one person who leads our party out of the wilderness. It's gotta be all of us together.

We could say it's the Democratic Party chairman, we could say it's Chuck, we could say it's Hakeem, but the truth is, there's not gonna be a one person who leads our party out of the wilderness. It's gotta be all of us together.

But I will say, we're all getting better at communicating online and understanding that, yeah, cable hits are important, but there's very, very few undecided voters who are watching any of the cable shows. It's not that we shouldn't do those anymore. It's just that we should think of those as one of the tactics in our toolkit.

But I will say, we're all getting better at communicating online and understanding that, yeah, cable hits are important, but there's very, very few undecided voters who are watching any of the cable shows. It's not that we shouldn't do those anymore. It's just that we should think of those as one of the tactics in our toolkit.

And just by virtue of metrics, we are doing, I mean, like five-fold, eight-fold better than we did even three weeks ago because there's a commitment, not just from the sort of digital native members of the Senate, but some others who are like newly willing to be authentic and speak plainly and like...

And just by virtue of metrics, we are doing, I mean, like five-fold, eight-fold better than we did even three weeks ago because there's a commitment, not just from the sort of digital native members of the Senate, but some others who are like newly willing to be authentic and speak plainly and like...

you know, because part of it too, is like, you got hearings and you got votes and you got meetings and you got everything else. You have to actually allocate time to like staring into an iPhone and saying, here's what I'm up to.

you know, because part of it too, is like, you got hearings and you got votes and you got meetings and you got everything else. You have to actually allocate time to like staring into an iPhone and saying, here's what I'm up to.

But it's a, and I actually had to tell my staff, like, we're doing this thing. You have to grab me. Even if it's just while I'm walking to the floor, stick a camera in my face and make me start talking. And so we're doing that more and it's starting to work. We also need to, over time, build a bigger ecosystem of progressive media. And it's not exclusively... Well, you've got it.

But it's a, and I actually had to tell my staff, like, we're doing this thing. You have to grab me. Even if it's just while I'm walking to the floor, stick a camera in my face and make me start talking. And so we're doing that more and it's starting to work. We also need to, over time, build a bigger ecosystem of progressive media. And it's not exclusively... Well, you've got it.

Showing up... But it's also kind of the the the network effect of like you went on barstool. Right. It's the it's the recognition that think of it like your high school buddies. You do not. I don't exclude anybody who like thinks RFK is junior is great. You might argue with them or you might never talk about it.

Showing up... But it's also kind of the the the network effect of like you went on barstool. Right. It's the it's the recognition that think of it like your high school buddies. You do not. I don't exclude anybody who like thinks RFK is junior is great. You might argue with them or you might never talk about it.

But you just try to find common ground and try to build community, because I think one of the things Trump did in the last election that was, you know, kind of brilliant, right, is you can talk yourself out of Tulsi Gabbard's base mattering because you could take a poll and go, oh, that's only one percent. And then you could do the same thing with RFK and say that's only 2.5%.

But you just try to find common ground and try to build community, because I think one of the things Trump did in the last election that was, you know, kind of brilliant, right, is you can talk yourself out of Tulsi Gabbard's base mattering because you could take a poll and go, oh, that's only one percent. And then you could do the same thing with RFK and say that's only 2.5%.

Well, holy shit, we only lost by 1.5%.

Well, holy shit, we only lost by 1.5%.

And so coalitions that work, and you were part of the maybe most powerful coalition on the Democratic side in recent memory, are always like on policy and on politics kind of contradictory. And... we became the party that like wouldn't accept anyone with a weird idea, wouldn't accept anybody without like a kind of down the middle view that was totally rational and totally acceptable.

And so coalitions that work, and you were part of the maybe most powerful coalition on the Democratic side in recent memory, are always like on policy and on politics kind of contradictory. And... we became the party that like wouldn't accept anyone with a weird idea, wouldn't accept anybody without like a kind of down the middle view that was totally rational and totally acceptable.

And I think we have to be a party that says, look, if you've got some heterodox views, if you've got even some offensive views, we still want you in the tent, right? Like one of the reasons in the state of Hawaii, Democrats are so powerful is we have conservative Democrats, right? We just like welcome them. Because we figure, hey, better you're a conservative Democrat than a moderate Republican.

And I think we have to be a party that says, look, if you've got some heterodox views, if you've got even some offensive views, we still want you in the tent, right? Like one of the reasons in the state of Hawaii, Democrats are so powerful is we have conservative Democrats, right? We just like welcome them. Because we figure, hey, better you're a conservative Democrat than a moderate Republican.

And I tell you what, your listeners are going to hate this. I miss Joe Manchin, right? I miss... I miss his vote.

And I tell you what, your listeners are going to hate this. I miss Joe Manchin, right? I miss... I miss his vote.

Yeah.

Yeah.

His votes were... I mean, I actually like his personality better than his vote. But I still like... We would be thrilled to have... three or four Joe Manchins.

His votes were... I mean, I actually like his personality better than his vote. But I still like... We would be thrilled to have... three or four Joe Manchins.

So we could all be frustrated at the fact that he doesn't vote like a Hawaii Democrat, but at least he votes to make Chuck Schumer the leader and puts Patty Murray in charge of appropriations and put Ron Wyden in charge of tax and Martin Heinrich in charge of energy and Sheldon Whitehouse in charge of environment and public works. Like that's what matters in the end. And so we have to kind of like,

So we could all be frustrated at the fact that he doesn't vote like a Hawaii Democrat, but at least he votes to make Chuck Schumer the leader and puts Patty Murray in charge of appropriations and put Ron Wyden in charge of tax and Martin Heinrich in charge of energy and Sheldon Whitehouse in charge of environment and public works. Like that's what matters in the end. And so we have to kind of like,

We have to decide, do we wanna win? I remember talking to a buddy of mine who was in the Hawaii legislature and the magic number in the Hawaii legislature to become the speaker is 26 out of 51. So you need 26 votes. And he was at 22 and it was really hard to get to 26. And we had a private conversation about a group of people who he found to be kind of objectionable.

We have to decide, do we wanna win? I remember talking to a buddy of mine who was in the Hawaii legislature and the magic number in the Hawaii legislature to become the speaker is 26 out of 51. So you need 26 votes. And he was at 22 and it was really hard to get to 26. And we had a private conversation about a group of people who he found to be kind of objectionable.

And I said, well, what the fuck, man? Do you wanna win? And try to get to 26 with no objectionable people. You can't do it. So you have to make deals, arrangements, promises with people that don't agree with you. And that's the way we're gonna rebuild this political party is we're gonna have to aggressively welcome people into our tent. It doesn't mean we abandon our core values.

And I said, well, what the fuck, man? Do you wanna win? And try to get to 26 with no objectionable people. You can't do it. So you have to make deals, arrangements, promises with people that don't agree with you. And that's the way we're gonna rebuild this political party is we're gonna have to aggressively welcome people into our tent. It doesn't mean we abandon our core values.

It just means that one of our core values is to exercise power on behalf of people. And we can't do that unless we actually win some damned elections. And people do not like being scolded out of the tent. And that was definitely the vibe for a while. And I think we've kind of shook off those cobwebs.

It just means that one of our core values is to exercise power on behalf of people. And we can't do that unless we actually win some damned elections. And people do not like being scolded out of the tent. And that was definitely the vibe for a while. And I think we've kind of shook off those cobwebs.

Economic fairness and fighting corruption. and standing up for each other. And the standing up for each other, I think, let's be honest, I did this on the fly. I just think economic fairness is very straightforward and the billionaires on the stage in front of the cabinet was, I think, a gift to us because it put three dimensions around what we think is happening.

Economic fairness and fighting corruption. and standing up for each other. And the standing up for each other, I think, let's be honest, I did this on the fly. I just think economic fairness is very straightforward and the billionaires on the stage in front of the cabinet was, I think, a gift to us because it put three dimensions around what we think is happening.

And they're about to move forward with a massive tax cut. They're obviously trying to almost literally raid the Treasury and shut down critical services. So that's relatively easy to talk about. And I just think, you know, Thank you. Thank you. Thank you.

And they're about to move forward with a massive tax cut. They're obviously trying to almost literally raid the Treasury and shut down critical services. So that's relatively easy to talk about. And I just think, you know, Thank you. Thank you. Thank you.

Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you.

Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you.