Adam Harris
๐ค SpeakerAppearances Over Time
Podcast Appearances
George Washington was bad.
What it says is that George Washington did X, Y, Z in the context of founding America, that he stepped down after two terms, you know, et cetera, et cetera.
And also says, and there's this other part of him, that he owned a plantation in Mount Vernon, that as Adam said, he brought his slaves back and forth to avoid having to emancipate them.
And what we as Americans have to do is to sit with all of that.
You know, the thing that I thought about more than anything after I heard about his passing, you know, we've been talking about what it means to have these conversations with your children and to attempt to ensure that they understand their proximity to Black history.
You know, when I told my daughter, who just turned seven, about how Jesse Jackson was with Martin Luther King when Martin Luther King was killed,
it blew her mind right because in her mind martin luther king is this guy from like a long long time ago right like like martin luther king and jesus were around at the same time right and and so for her just to watch in her little eyes be like oh there was a person who was alive until just now who was with martin luther king like who worked with him who was an adult with martin luther king
when he was killed, what it did, I think, was, again, helped remind her that this history that many people say was a long time ago just, in fact, wasn't that long ago at all.
We could win, but we are very, very, very likely to lose if we keep treating this as business as usual.
Thanks for having me.
Thanks for having me.
Thanks for having me.
Yeah, he argues effectively that one of the more significant things and a thing that wasn't necessarily understood broadly at the time was the way that Orban undertook this effort to sort of reshape institutions both publicly and privately to create a sort of conservative elite.
Yeah, he argues effectively that one of the more significant things and a thing that wasn't necessarily understood broadly at the time was the way that Orban undertook this effort to sort of reshape institutions both publicly and privately to create a sort of conservative elite.
Yeah, he argues effectively that one of the more significant things and a thing that wasn't necessarily understood broadly at the time was the way that Orban undertook this effort to sort of reshape institutions both publicly and privately to create a sort of conservative elite.
Yeah, well, Rufo says that they're facing some of the same issues that conservatives in the United States are, right? The sort of rejection, as he calls it, rejection of sexual difference. the sort of liberal creep into the sort of more general institutions.
Yeah, well, Rufo says that they're facing some of the same issues that conservatives in the United States are, right? The sort of rejection, as he calls it, rejection of sexual difference. the sort of liberal creep into the sort of more general institutions.
Yeah, well, Rufo says that they're facing some of the same issues that conservatives in the United States are, right? The sort of rejection, as he calls it, rejection of sexual difference. the sort of liberal creep into the sort of more general institutions.
And Rufo really finds surprising the ways that Orban was able to successfully combat that in his creation of that new sort of conservative elite in Hungary.
And Rufo really finds surprising the ways that Orban was able to successfully combat that in his creation of that new sort of conservative elite in Hungary.