Adam Tooze

No, they're trying to constrict it is what I'm saying. Yeah, exactly. And they were flexing around it and trying to figure out what their positioning is in relation to it. I think at that level, the same is true about the American working class. It's a large percentage of women and it's incredibly diverse. And so like woke strategies of recognizing that diversity are just realism.

No, they're trying to constrict it is what I'm saying. Yeah, exactly. And they were flexing around it and trying to figure out what their positioning is in relation to it. I think at that level, the same is true about the American working class. It's a large percentage of women and it's incredibly diverse. And so like woke strategies of recognizing that diversity are just realism.

No, I mean, I basically agree with you. As late as the 1970s, there was still that fear that if unemployment went really high, there would be something akin to social upheaval. And in parts of the world, in Europe, for instance, in Italy, in Great Britain for a time, it did actually look that way. 68 was a working class uprising in much of Europe at that time.

No, I mean, I basically agree with you. As late as the 1970s, there was still that fear that if unemployment went really high, there would be something akin to social upheaval. And in parts of the world, in Europe, for instance, in Italy, in Great Britain for a time, it did actually look that way. 68 was a working class uprising in much of Europe at that time.

But that fear is no longer, and that's part of the just grotesquery of the current moment. And Trump's inauguration with just the lineup of incredibly rich men as a kind of ostentatious display. And insofar as we can point, I mean, part of my argument a minute ago was there is a social pressure.

But that fear is no longer, and that's part of the just grotesquery of the current moment. And Trump's inauguration with just the lineup of incredibly rich men as a kind of ostentatious display. And insofar as we can point, I mean, part of my argument a minute ago was there is a social pressure.

I mean, I think it's going to be really interesting to see in the long run how gender rights, how issues around reproductive freedom and so on play out in American society, because I don't think the conservative agenda will work. It's not a threat of a revolution, but it is a huge polarization in politics we're seeing around the world between men and women. And in the end, that may tell.

I mean, I think it's going to be really interesting to see in the long run how gender rights, how issues around reproductive freedom and so on play out in American society, because I don't think the conservative agenda will work. It's not a threat of a revolution, but it is a huge polarization in politics we're seeing around the world between men and women. And in the end, that may tell.

The question now is, what does the PMC do? Because they are a much larger group than manufacturing industrial workers.

The question now is, what does the PMC do? Because they are a much larger group than manufacturing industrial workers.

And very at risk of the AI revolution and now under a hugely politicized attack. And I'm not saying, I'm not predicting that there's going to be kind of a revolutionary upsurge of elementary school teachers, but that would seem to me to be the kind of piece of the puzzle. And the question, of course, is where the Democratic Party is. Why is it not leading? I don't understand.

And very at risk of the AI revolution and now under a hugely politicized attack. And I'm not saying, I'm not predicting that there's going to be kind of a revolutionary upsurge of elementary school teachers, but that would seem to me to be the kind of piece of the puzzle. And the question, of course, is where the Democratic Party is. Why is it not leading? I don't understand.

So that was interesting, Adam.

So that was interesting, Adam.

Yeah, well, good question. Have you noticed?

Yeah, well, good question. Have you noticed?

Adam? I mean, to pick out the big fuck small theme, I think the economist in me says, well, Does big want to fuck all of small all the time? It seems that way. So the question is like, who is it? Who becomes victimized? Well, the question I think is serious. Who is it that's victimized? And at what level can resistance and resilience be built?

Adam? I mean, to pick out the big fuck small theme, I think the economist in me says, well, Does big want to fuck all of small all the time? It seems that way. So the question is like, who is it? Who becomes victimized? Well, the question I think is serious. Who is it that's victimized? And at what level can resistance and resilience be built?

And how far does this also involve middle-sized players predating smaller players? You were describing small town labor relations are some of the most vicious in the United States because the stakes are very high, even though it's a small pool. And I think that's, I mean, it's an aversion of Zahrab's point about democracy.

And how far does this also involve middle-sized players predating smaller players? You were describing small town labor relations are some of the most vicious in the United States because the stakes are very high, even though it's a small pool. And I think that's, I mean, it's an aversion of Zahrab's point about democracy.