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As I mentioned earlier, with the rise of Porfirio Diaz in 1876, any space for radical thought began to close. Diaz, the strongman of modernization, was obsessed with order and progress. He welcomed foreign capital, built railroads across the nation, and gutted the countryside to make room for exports. And he crushed dissent.

While Rocanati avoided outright persecution, thanks in part to his foreign status and pacifist leanings, the educational projects he inspired were dismantled or sidelined. The more confrontational elements of the early anarchist current went underground. Those who spoke of abolishing property or questioned the Porphyrian vision of modernity were met with jail, exile, or worse.

While Rocanati avoided outright persecution, thanks in part to his foreign status and pacifist leanings, the educational projects he inspired were dismantled or sidelined. The more confrontational elements of the early anarchist current went underground. Those who spoke of abolishing property or questioned the Porphyrian vision of modernity were met with jail, exile, or worse.

While Rocanati avoided outright persecution, thanks in part to his foreign status and pacifist leanings, the educational projects he inspired were dismantled or sidelined. The more confrontational elements of the early anarchist current went underground. Those who spoke of abolishing property or questioned the Porphyrian vision of modernity were met with jail, exile, or worse.

Rocanati's allies at Acosta, through his newspaper La Internacional, promoted a 12-point socialist agenda advocating a universal social republic, municipal autonomy, workers' rights, worker associations, wage abolition, and property equality. Despite Diaz's rise, in 1877 he led a present uprising in Sierra Gorda and Planes de la Barranca, battling federal forces until 1880.

Rocanati's allies at Acosta, through his newspaper La Internacional, promoted a 12-point socialist agenda advocating a universal social republic, municipal autonomy, workers' rights, worker associations, wage abolition, and property equality. Despite Diaz's rise, in 1877 he led a present uprising in Sierra Gorda and Planes de la Barranca, battling federal forces until 1880.

Rocanati's allies at Acosta, through his newspaper La Internacional, promoted a 12-point socialist agenda advocating a universal social republic, municipal autonomy, workers' rights, worker associations, wage abolition, and property equality. Despite Diaz's rise, in 1877 he led a present uprising in Sierra Gorda and Planes de la Barranca, battling federal forces until 1880.

Despite his defeat and imprisonment in 1881, the rebellion persisted. Salacosta's ally, Colonel Alberto Santa Fe, introduced the Ley del Pueblo, influenced by Bakunin's ideas, though not a purely anarchist manifesto. This document emphasized land distribution, national industry promotion, army suppression, and free education.

Despite his defeat and imprisonment in 1881, the rebellion persisted. Salacosta's ally, Colonel Alberto Santa Fe, introduced the Ley del Pueblo, influenced by Bakunin's ideas, though not a purely anarchist manifesto. This document emphasized land distribution, national industry promotion, army suppression, and free education.

Despite his defeat and imprisonment in 1881, the rebellion persisted. Salacosta's ally, Colonel Alberto Santa Fe, introduced the Ley del Pueblo, influenced by Bakunin's ideas, though not a purely anarchist manifesto. This document emphasized land distribution, national industry promotion, army suppression, and free education.

Santa Fe argued that true Mexican independence depended on reclaiming stolen lands, a movement which, of course, gained traction among the peasants. General Negrete supported Santa Fe's revolutionary efforts just as he had backed Chavez-Lopez and Salacosta earlier. Santa Fe's resistance against Diaz's dictatorship was more radical than mere electoral opposition.

Santa Fe argued that true Mexican independence depended on reclaiming stolen lands, a movement which, of course, gained traction among the peasants. General Negrete supported Santa Fe's revolutionary efforts just as he had backed Chavez-Lopez and Salacosta earlier. Santa Fe's resistance against Diaz's dictatorship was more radical than mere electoral opposition.

Santa Fe argued that true Mexican independence depended on reclaiming stolen lands, a movement which, of course, gained traction among the peasants. General Negrete supported Santa Fe's revolutionary efforts just as he had backed Chavez-Lopez and Salacosta earlier. Santa Fe's resistance against Diaz's dictatorship was more radical than mere electoral opposition.

It aimed at transferring sovereignty to local municipalities and land to peasant collectors. However, by the 1890s, Diaz effectively suppressed most worker movements through bribery and repression. While industrial workers and miners fared slightly better than the peasants, wages steadily declined after 1898. Roda Canati left Mexico in 1886 after giving over two decades of his life to the cause.

It aimed at transferring sovereignty to local municipalities and land to peasant collectors. However, by the 1890s, Diaz effectively suppressed most worker movements through bribery and repression. While industrial workers and miners fared slightly better than the peasants, wages steadily declined after 1898. Roda Canati left Mexico in 1886 after giving over two decades of his life to the cause.

It aimed at transferring sovereignty to local municipalities and land to peasant collectors. However, by the 1890s, Diaz effectively suppressed most worker movements through bribery and repression. While industrial workers and miners fared slightly better than the peasants, wages steadily declined after 1898. Roda Canati left Mexico in 1886 after giving over two decades of his life to the cause.

But his two decades of sowing seeds would eventually flourish in the Mexican Revolution, which we'll be covering in the next episode. Thanks for tuning in. I'm Andrew Sage. You can follow me on YouTube at andrewsung and patreon.com slash stdrew. Thanks again. This is It Could Happen Here. All power to all the people.

But his two decades of sowing seeds would eventually flourish in the Mexican Revolution, which we'll be covering in the next episode. Thanks for tuning in. I'm Andrew Sage. You can follow me on YouTube at andrewsung and patreon.com slash stdrew. Thanks again. This is It Could Happen Here. All power to all the people.

But his two decades of sowing seeds would eventually flourish in the Mexican Revolution, which we'll be covering in the next episode. Thanks for tuning in. I'm Andrew Sage. You can follow me on YouTube at andrewsung and patreon.com slash stdrew. Thanks again. This is It Could Happen Here. All power to all the people.

Hello and welcome to Kid Happen Here. I'm back with... Garrison Davis, hello! And I'm Andrew Sage, or Andrewism, on YouTube. Now, previously we explored a lesser-known chapter in Mexico's radical history.