Andrew T

We'll get back to Magón's story in a second. But the point is, when Magón was calling for social revolution, land redistribution, and workers' control of production, Madero merely wanted electoral reform. He had no real program for agrarian justice and was, quote, generally indifferent to the problems of the Mexican masses, as Capileti put it.

Still, Madero's 1910 campaign electrified all of those who were yearning for change, revolutionaries and reformists alike. His challenge to Diaz helped ignite a broader uprising that managed to bring Madero into power in 1911. Before we get into what happened during the Madero presidency, let's go back in time to follow Ricardo Flores Magón's story.

Still, Madero's 1910 campaign electrified all of those who were yearning for change, revolutionaries and reformists alike. His challenge to Diaz helped ignite a broader uprising that managed to bring Madero into power in 1911. Before we get into what happened during the Madero presidency, let's go back in time to follow Ricardo Flores Magón's story.

Still, Madero's 1910 campaign electrified all of those who were yearning for change, revolutionaries and reformists alike. His challenge to Diaz helped ignite a broader uprising that managed to bring Madero into power in 1911. Before we get into what happened during the Madero presidency, let's go back in time to follow Ricardo Flores Magón's story.

Magón was born in 1873 in the village of San Antonio, Iloxochitlan, in Oaxaca. His roots straddled both indigenous and mestizo heritage. As a law student in Mexico City, he found himself swept into the tide of anti-government agitation. Before he even turned 20, he was jailed for the first time.

Magón was born in 1873 in the village of San Antonio, Iloxochitlan, in Oaxaca. His roots straddled both indigenous and mestizo heritage. As a law student in Mexico City, he found himself swept into the tide of anti-government agitation. Before he even turned 20, he was jailed for the first time.

Magón was born in 1873 in the village of San Antonio, Iloxochitlan, in Oaxaca. His roots straddled both indigenous and mestizo heritage. As a law student in Mexico City, he found himself swept into the tide of anti-government agitation. Before he even turned 20, he was jailed for the first time.

He joined the radical press in 1893 with El Democrata, an anti-Diaz paper that the regime quickly snuffed out, but he wasn't deterred. In 1900, he co-founded Regeneracion, the publication that would become the voice of the Mexican left in the 20th century. It was while behind bars, where he often found himself, that Magón encountered the ideas that would shape his life's work.

He joined the radical press in 1893 with El Democrata, an anti-Diaz paper that the regime quickly snuffed out, but he wasn't deterred. In 1900, he co-founded Regeneracion, the publication that would become the voice of the Mexican left in the 20th century. It was while behind bars, where he often found himself, that Magón encountered the ideas that would shape his life's work.

He joined the radical press in 1893 with El Democrata, an anti-Diaz paper that the regime quickly snuffed out, but he wasn't deterred. In 1900, he co-founded Regeneracion, the publication that would become the voice of the Mexican left in the 20th century. It was while behind bars, where he often found himself, that Magón encountered the ideas that would shape his life's work.

Thanks to the library of liberal landowner Camilo Arriaga, he read the writings of Kropotkin and Malatesta, and through those texts, crystallized his anarchist vision. Now, even though Magón's ideology incubated quietly in his early political life, it didn't stay buried for long. As his conflicts with the Diaz regime intensified, so too did the radicalism of his actions.

Thanks to the library of liberal landowner Camilo Arriaga, he read the writings of Kropotkin and Malatesta, and through those texts, crystallized his anarchist vision. Now, even though Magón's ideology incubated quietly in his early political life, it didn't stay buried for long. As his conflicts with the Diaz regime intensified, so too did the radicalism of his actions.

Thanks to the library of liberal landowner Camilo Arriaga, he read the writings of Kropotkin and Malatesta, and through those texts, crystallized his anarchist vision. Now, even though Magón's ideology incubated quietly in his early political life, it didn't stay buried for long. As his conflicts with the Diaz regime intensified, so too did the radicalism of his actions.

He edited El Hijo del Aguizote, a satirical rag that earned him yet another stint in prison, and after his release in 1904, Magón fled to Texas, where he relaunched Regeneración with renewed purpose.

He edited El Hijo del Aguizote, a satirical rag that earned him yet another stint in prison, and after his release in 1904, Magón fled to Texas, where he relaunched Regeneración with renewed purpose.

He edited El Hijo del Aguizote, a satirical rag that earned him yet another stint in prison, and after his release in 1904, Magón fled to Texas, where he relaunched Regeneración with renewed purpose.

By 1905, the paper had helped spark the creation of the Partido Liberal Mexicano, or PLM, which, as I said, wasn't much of a political party as it was a radical organ, though it did have some reformist demands mixed in. They were trying to soften their language, at times to appeal to conservative sympathizers of reform away from Diaz.

By 1905, the paper had helped spark the creation of the Partido Liberal Mexicano, or PLM, which, as I said, wasn't much of a political party as it was a radical organ, though it did have some reformist demands mixed in. They were trying to soften their language, at times to appeal to conservative sympathizers of reform away from Diaz.

By 1905, the paper had helped spark the creation of the Partido Liberal Mexicano, or PLM, which, as I said, wasn't much of a political party as it was a radical organ, though it did have some reformist demands mixed in. They were trying to soften their language, at times to appeal to conservative sympathizers of reform away from Diaz.

The PLM sought the abolition of the military tribunals, free secular education, workers' rights like the eight-hour workday and minimum wage, and the expropriation of idle lands. In short, it went further than the 1917 constitution that would come a decade later, and it could be seen as the crystallization of many of the Mexican Revolution's most popular aims.