Andrew T

And I really don't like to romanticize this idea of these uprisings that they feel, but You know, they're still inspiring. We don't want to go too far into that where, you know, self-sacrifice for self-sacrifice sake. But I think it's important to point out that there were multiple failed attempts before the successful uprising that ushered in the Mexican Revolution.

And I really don't like to romanticize this idea of these uprisings that they feel, but You know, they're still inspiring. We don't want to go too far into that where, you know, self-sacrifice for self-sacrifice sake. But I think it's important to point out that there were multiple failed attempts before the successful uprising that ushered in the Mexican Revolution.

And I really don't like to romanticize this idea of these uprisings that they feel, but You know, they're still inspiring. We don't want to go too far into that where, you know, self-sacrifice for self-sacrifice sake. But I think it's important to point out that there were multiple failed attempts before the successful uprising that ushered in the Mexican Revolution.

It wasn't, you know, a first-time successful attempt. And by the time Magón was released from prison in 1910, the revolution had already begun to burn across Mexico. And that is in part in thanks to the efforts of those uprisings, even though those individual uprisings failed.

It wasn't, you know, a first-time successful attempt. And by the time Magón was released from prison in 1910, the revolution had already begun to burn across Mexico. And that is in part in thanks to the efforts of those uprisings, even though those individual uprisings failed.

It wasn't, you know, a first-time successful attempt. And by the time Magón was released from prison in 1910, the revolution had already begun to burn across Mexico. And that is in part in thanks to the efforts of those uprisings, even though those individual uprisings failed.

The Catalan immigrant Amadeo Ferez pumped up this energy in 1911 with El Tipografo Mexicano, yet another newspaper with a fierce anarcho-syndicalist spirit meant to mobilize urban workers. At the same time, old anarchist typographers were not only printing their message, they were forming unions like the Unión de Canteras Mexicanos.

The Catalan immigrant Amadeo Ferez pumped up this energy in 1911 with El Tipografo Mexicano, yet another newspaper with a fierce anarcho-syndicalist spirit meant to mobilize urban workers. At the same time, old anarchist typographers were not only printing their message, they were forming unions like the Unión de Canteras Mexicanos.

The Catalan immigrant Amadeo Ferez pumped up this energy in 1911 with El Tipografo Mexicano, yet another newspaper with a fierce anarcho-syndicalist spirit meant to mobilize urban workers. At the same time, old anarchist typographers were not only printing their message, they were forming unions like the Unión de Canteras Mexicanos.

In mid-1912, Juan Francisco Moncaliano arrived from Cuba and quickly rallied a diverse group of workers into Grupo Luz, set on establishing a progressive education platform a la Francisco Ferrer. By September 1912, these unions and grupolos united to form La Casa del Obrero, forging a distinctly anarcho-syndicalist identity.

In mid-1912, Juan Francisco Moncaliano arrived from Cuba and quickly rallied a diverse group of workers into Grupo Luz, set on establishing a progressive education platform a la Francisco Ferrer. By September 1912, these unions and grupolos united to form La Casa del Obrero, forging a distinctly anarcho-syndicalist identity.

In mid-1912, Juan Francisco Moncaliano arrived from Cuba and quickly rallied a diverse group of workers into Grupo Luz, set on establishing a progressive education platform a la Francisco Ferrer. By September 1912, these unions and grupolos united to form La Casa del Obrero, forging a distinctly anarcho-syndicalist identity.

They organized lectures, built libraries of classic anarchist works, and launched a new bi-weekly called Lucha, all while energizing a massive May Day rally in 1913, where 20,000 workers rallied. Like Margon, these radicals saw through the hollow promises of Madero's democracy. Voting for a new president wouldn't free the peasantry. Legislative seats wouldn't redistribute land.

They organized lectures, built libraries of classic anarchist works, and launched a new bi-weekly called Lucha, all while energizing a massive May Day rally in 1913, where 20,000 workers rallied. Like Margon, these radicals saw through the hollow promises of Madero's democracy. Voting for a new president wouldn't free the peasantry. Legislative seats wouldn't redistribute land.

They organized lectures, built libraries of classic anarchist works, and launched a new bi-weekly called Lucha, all while energizing a massive May Day rally in 1913, where 20,000 workers rallied. Like Margon, these radicals saw through the hollow promises of Madero's democracy. Voting for a new president wouldn't free the peasantry. Legislative seats wouldn't redistribute land.

No Congress, no matter how liberal, would ever voluntarily dismantle the system that fed it. For them, revolution was no less than putting land and production in the hands of the people. No bosses, no landlords, no masters. Just workers, organizing life on their own terms. Madero's revolution, if we can even recall that, had mobilized peasants, workers, and radicals.

No Congress, no matter how liberal, would ever voluntarily dismantle the system that fed it. For them, revolution was no less than putting land and production in the hands of the people. No bosses, no landlords, no masters. Just workers, organizing life on their own terms. Madero's revolution, if we can even recall that, had mobilized peasants, workers, and radicals.

No Congress, no matter how liberal, would ever voluntarily dismantle the system that fed it. For them, revolution was no less than putting land and production in the hands of the people. No bosses, no landlords, no masters. Just workers, organizing life on their own terms. Madero's revolution, if we can even recall that, had mobilized peasants, workers, and radicals.

But that moderate phase was about to end, because once seated as president, Madero leaned heavily on old elites. He really siphoned energy away from genuine social change with that reformist push that he was doing. A move that sounds all too familiar. Madero's refusal to enact meaningful change lost him his allies very quickly.

But that moderate phase was about to end, because once seated as president, Madero leaned heavily on old elites. He really siphoned energy away from genuine social change with that reformist push that he was doing. A move that sounds all too familiar. Madero's refusal to enact meaningful change lost him his allies very quickly.