Antony Blinken

And that means that the support that the United States provides over many administrations, Republican and Democrat, over many years, that support is absolutely vital to making sure that Israel is able to defend itself, that it can deter aggression coming from many other quarters, whether it's Hezbollah, whether it's Iran, whether it's the many Iranian-backed proxies, whether it's the Houthis, you name it.

And that means that the support that the United States provides over many administrations, Republican and Democrat, over many years, that support is absolutely vital to making sure that Israel is able to defend itself, that it can deter aggression coming from many other quarters, whether it's Hezbollah, whether it's Iran, whether it's the many Iranian-backed proxies, whether it's the Houthis, you name it.

That support is vital to making sure Israel has a deterrent, has an adequate defense. And in turn, that means that we're not going to have an even broader, wider conflict that results in more death and more destruction. And so it's been vital to maintain that.

That support is vital to making sure Israel has a deterrent, has an adequate defense. And in turn, that means that we're not going to have an even broader, wider conflict that results in more death and more destruction. And so it's been vital to maintain that.

We believed and continue to believe that the quickest way, the most effective way to have an enduring end to Gaza is through an agreement on a ceasefire that brings the hostages home. The two biggest impediments to getting that over the finish line, and we've been so close on several occasions, and as we speak today, we're also very close.

We believed and continue to believe that the quickest way, the most effective way to have an enduring end to Gaza is through an agreement on a ceasefire that brings the hostages home. The two biggest impediments to getting that over the finish line, and we've been so close on several occasions, and as we speak today, we're also very close.

There've been two major impediments, and they both go to what drives Hamas. One has been whenever there has been public daylight between the United States and Israel and the perception that pressure was growing on Israel, we've seen it. Hamas has pulled back from agreeing to a ceasefire and the release of hostages.

There've been two major impediments, and they both go to what drives Hamas. One has been whenever there has been public daylight between the United States and Israel and the perception that pressure was growing on Israel, we've seen it. Hamas has pulled back from agreeing to a ceasefire and the release of hostages.

And so there are times when what we say in private to Israel, where we have a disagreement, is one thing, and what we're doing or saying in public may be another. But that's in no small measure, because with this daylight, the prospects of getting the hostage and ceasefire deal over the finish line become more distant.

And so there are times when what we say in private to Israel, where we have a disagreement, is one thing, and what we're doing or saying in public may be another. But that's in no small measure, because with this daylight, the prospects of getting the hostage and ceasefire deal over the finish line become more distant.

Israel's prime minister— They went into Rafah in a very different way than they were planning to.

Israel's prime minister— They went into Rafah in a very different way than they were planning to.

No, I disagree with that. And again, I— mentioned how we've gone at humanitarian assistance from day one, and that's been a perennial and ongoing effort throughout this time. When it comes to Rafah, we had deep concerns about a direct attack and the use of the 2,000-pound munitions in densely populated areas.

No, I disagree with that. And again, I— mentioned how we've gone at humanitarian assistance from day one, and that's been a perennial and ongoing effort throughout this time. When it comes to Rafah, we had deep concerns about a direct attack and the use of the 2,000-pound munitions in densely populated areas.

What Israel wound up doing in Rafah was very different from what they were planning to do before we engaged with them. So... So you feel like you've been effective in shaping the conduct of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's— I think the question we had was how can we most effectively both shape the conflict but also bring an end to the conflict.

What Israel wound up doing in Rafah was very different from what they were planning to do before we engaged with them. So... So you feel like you've been effective in shaping the conduct of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's— I think the question we had was how can we most effectively both shape the conflict but also bring an end to the conflict.

And the focus on getting a ceasefire hostage agreement was what was, in our estimation, the quickest and most durable way to get an end. And as I said, Hamas won. When they saw Israel under pressure publicly, they pulled back. The other thing that got Hamas to pull back—

And the focus on getting a ceasefire hostage agreement was what was, in our estimation, the quickest and most durable way to get an end. And as I said, Hamas won. When they saw Israel under pressure publicly, they pulled back. The other thing that got Hamas to pull back—

was their belief, their hope, that there'd be a wider conflict, that Hezbollah would attack Israel, that Iran would attack Israel, that other actors would attack Israel, and that Israel would have its hands full and Hamas could continue what it was doing. So we've worked very hard to make sure that that didn't happen.

was their belief, their hope, that there'd be a wider conflict, that Hezbollah would attack Israel, that Iran would attack Israel, that other actors would attack Israel, and that Israel would have its hands full and Hamas could continue what it was doing. So we've worked very hard to make sure that that didn't happen.