Antony Blinken

One of the reasons that our response to Ukraine was so important was because this aggression committed against Ukrainians and against the country was also an aggression against some pretty basic principles at the heart of the international system that everyone looks at. And had we allowed this to go forward with impunity, the message to would-be aggressors anywhere is open season.

You can get away with it. One of the most powerful moments in the aggression against Ukraine was when the Japanese prime minister, half a world away, Kishida, the then prime minister, who stood up almost immediately, put in his lot with Ukraine and said, what's happening in Ukraine today could be happening in East Asia tomorrow.

You can get away with it. One of the most powerful moments in the aggression against Ukraine was when the Japanese prime minister, half a world away, Kishida, the then prime minister, who stood up almost immediately, put in his lot with Ukraine and said, what's happening in Ukraine today could be happening in East Asia tomorrow.

You can get away with it. One of the most powerful moments in the aggression against Ukraine was when the Japanese prime minister, half a world away, Kishida, the then prime minister, who stood up almost immediately, put in his lot with Ukraine and said, what's happening in Ukraine today could be happening in East Asia tomorrow.

That's why this response has been so important, not just for Ukraine, as important as that may be, but because of what it says more broadly. I think China's paid very close attention to that. At the same time, we brought country after country together with the proposition that what happens in and around Taiwan matters to them, including countries way far away.

That's why this response has been so important, not just for Ukraine, as important as that may be, but because of what it says more broadly. I think China's paid very close attention to that. At the same time, we brought country after country together with the proposition that what happens in and around Taiwan matters to them, including countries way far away.

That's why this response has been so important, not just for Ukraine, as important as that may be, but because of what it says more broadly. I think China's paid very close attention to that. At the same time, we brought country after country together with the proposition that what happens in and around Taiwan matters to them, including countries way far away.

from Taiwan because you've got 50% of commercial container traffic going through that straight every day, 70% of the semiconductors made on Taiwan. If there were a crisis of China's making over Taiwan, the entire world would be affected. We'd have an economic crisis. That's why we got country after country to weigh in with China, with Beijing to say, keep the peace, preserve stability.

from Taiwan because you've got 50% of commercial container traffic going through that straight every day, 70% of the semiconductors made on Taiwan. If there were a crisis of China's making over Taiwan, the entire world would be affected. We'd have an economic crisis. That's why we got country after country to weigh in with China, with Beijing to say, keep the peace, preserve stability.

from Taiwan because you've got 50% of commercial container traffic going through that straight every day, 70% of the semiconductors made on Taiwan. If there were a crisis of China's making over Taiwan, the entire world would be affected. We'd have an economic crisis. That's why we got country after country to weigh in with China, with Beijing to say, keep the peace, preserve stability.

And I obviously can't speak for him. And I also really can't predict what he would do, how the administration will approach this. I think he also, rightly in my judgment, during his first term, put more focus on some of the challenges coming from China. That was a good thing. Now, where I disagreed was the way he went about trying to meet those challenges.

And I obviously can't speak for him. And I also really can't predict what he would do, how the administration will approach this. I think he also, rightly in my judgment, during his first term, put more focus on some of the challenges coming from China. That was a good thing. Now, where I disagreed was the way he went about trying to meet those challenges.

And I obviously can't speak for him. And I also really can't predict what he would do, how the administration will approach this. I think he also, rightly in my judgment, during his first term, put more focus on some of the challenges coming from China. That was a good thing. Now, where I disagreed was the way he went about trying to meet those challenges.

And that is also at the same time, taking it to our allies and partners who we actually need with us if we're gonna be effective in dealing with China. When we're dealing, for example, with economic practices that China's engaged in that we don't like,

And that is also at the same time, taking it to our allies and partners who we actually need with us if we're gonna be effective in dealing with China. When we're dealing, for example, with economic practices that China's engaged in that we don't like,

And that is also at the same time, taking it to our allies and partners who we actually need with us if we're gonna be effective in dealing with China. When we're dealing, for example, with economic practices that China's engaged in that we don't like,

undercutting our companies, our workers with overcapacity, destroying communities by flooding in subsidized products, doing all sorts of things in their trade and commercial relationships that are unfair, that we don't do to them. When we're taking those on alone, we're, what, 20% of world GDP. If we're aligned with allies and partners in Europe and Asia, we're 40, 50, 60% of GDP.

undercutting our companies, our workers with overcapacity, destroying communities by flooding in subsidized products, doing all sorts of things in their trade and commercial relationships that are unfair, that we don't do to them. When we're taking those on alone, we're, what, 20% of world GDP. If we're aligned with allies and partners in Europe and Asia, we're 40, 50, 60% of GDP.

undercutting our companies, our workers with overcapacity, destroying communities by flooding in subsidized products, doing all sorts of things in their trade and commercial relationships that are unfair, that we don't do to them. When we're taking those on alone, we're, what, 20% of world GDP. If we're aligned with allies and partners in Europe and Asia, we're 40, 50, 60% of GDP.

And China can't ignore that. That's exactly what we've done. David, we've had more convergence now in how to deal with all of the challenges posed by China with Europe, with Asia than we've ever had before. And that's a source of strength. Now, maybe we haven't done a good enough job explaining it, just as with NATO. People don't want war. They don't want conflict. Of course.