Astead W. Herndon

— This kind of middle-of-the-road approach that acknowledged tariffs can be something that Americans should use more, but just saying that Trump is not using them correctly. I've also seen this from Senator Elizabeth Warren of Massachusetts.

— This kind of middle-of-the-road approach that acknowledged tariffs can be something that Americans should use more, but just saying that Trump is not using them correctly. I've also seen this from Senator Elizabeth Warren of Massachusetts.

It does. And I think that, you know, the easier thing to do would be that universal condemnation. But as you're saying, that would immediately put them at odds, maybe not with working class Americans all across the board, but certainly working class Americans in Michigan. Right. A deeply important electoral state. Other states, we know Ohio, Pennsylvania have gone through some of this stuff, too.

It does. And I think that, you know, the easier thing to do would be that universal condemnation. But as you're saying, that would immediately put them at odds, maybe not with working class Americans all across the board, but certainly working class Americans in Michigan. Right. A deeply important electoral state. Other states, we know Ohio, Pennsylvania have gone through some of this stuff, too.

And so because the impacts of this are specifically felt in these states that have this vital importance, it's put the national party at a place where it can't really do that easily understood universal rejection. And they've left themselves with this sort of maybe tariffs are OK, but Trump's imposing it wrong. Or maybe there's a piece of this we should highlight.

And so because the impacts of this are specifically felt in these states that have this vital importance, it's put the national party at a place where it can't really do that easily understood universal rejection. And they've left themselves with this sort of maybe tariffs are OK, but Trump's imposing it wrong. Or maybe there's a piece of this we should highlight.

But it's not been a cohesive message. And so I think that that is the reason why I call it an important window into that identity crisis, because you're getting splintered messages rather than one universal one.

But it's not been a cohesive message. And so I think that that is the reason why I call it an important window into that identity crisis, because you're getting splintered messages rather than one universal one.

Yeah. And I want to say it's important to me, like, I don't really hold them accountable for not having a singular message right now, right? Like, the time after an election is identity crisis, right? This is going to play out for years in the party and will not be really solved until the 2027-8 primary.

Yeah. And I want to say it's important to me, like, I don't really hold them accountable for not having a singular message right now, right? Like, the time after an election is identity crisis, right? This is going to play out for years in the party and will not be really solved until the 2027-8 primary.

But I do think it's important to note that when we use terms like working class realignment or the party needing to get back in touch with its base, these are the type of issues we're talking about. And these are the type of conflicts it can create. Democrats have a unique challenge with the diversity of their voters. Republicans are much more monolithic.

But I do think it's important to note that when we use terms like working class realignment or the party needing to get back in touch with its base, these are the type of issues we're talking about. And these are the type of conflicts it can create. Democrats have a unique challenge with the diversity of their voters. Republicans are much more monolithic.

So Democrats have more classes, more races, more demographics. And finding an issue that cuts across all those groups is legitimately harder. If they say they want to get closer to their working class base, that might put them at odds with another portion of the base.

So Democrats have more classes, more races, more demographics. And finding an issue that cuts across all those groups is legitimately harder. If they say they want to get closer to their working class base, that might put them at odds with another portion of the base.

My experience would say it sounds somewhat like Donald Trump, honestly. It sounds like disruption. It sounds like change. It sounds like making political systems work better, right? The thing I think Donald Trump challenges with Democrats specifically is the disruption to institutions that he is intentionally doing right now have, I think, created an instinct among some Democrats to just protect.

My experience would say it sounds somewhat like Donald Trump, honestly. It sounds like disruption. It sounds like change. It sounds like making political systems work better, right? The thing I think Donald Trump challenges with Democrats specifically is the disruption to institutions that he is intentionally doing right now have, I think, created an instinct among some Democrats to just protect.

Right. But among the people we talk to, those institutions are unpopular.

Right. But among the people we talk to, those institutions are unpopular.

And there's a sense that they have already failed. So what I find is the important distinction for Democrats is are they going to be protector or improver of these things? And protector just means Donald Trump is bad. What he's doing right here is bad. Improver means independent of him. Here's what we're going to do to make that better. And I think that cuts across a lot of issues.

And there's a sense that they have already failed. So what I find is the important distinction for Democrats is are they going to be protector or improver of these things? And protector just means Donald Trump is bad. What he's doing right here is bad. Improver means independent of him. Here's what we're going to do to make that better. And I think that cuts across a lot of issues.