Benjamin Netanyahu

I say, okay, call it what you will. Call it, you know, I don't know, limited sovereignty, call it autonomy plus, call it whatever you want to call it. But that's the reality. And right now, if you ask Israelis across the political spectrum, except the very hard left, most Israelis agree with that. They don't really debate it.

I say, okay, call it what you will. Call it, you know, I don't know, limited sovereignty, call it autonomy plus, call it whatever you want to call it. But that's the reality. And right now, if you ask Israelis across the political spectrum, except the very hard left, most Israelis agree with that. They don't really debate it.

I say, okay, call it what you will. Call it, you know, I don't know, limited sovereignty, call it autonomy plus, call it whatever you want to call it. But that's the reality. And right now, if you ask Israelis across the political spectrum, except the very hard left, most Israelis agree with that. They don't really debate it.

So a two-state solution where Israel controls the security of the entire region. We don't call it quite that. I mean, there are different names, but the idea is, yes, Israel controls security in the region. It's the entire area. It's this tiny area between the Jordan River and the sea. I mean, it's like you can walk it in not one afternoon. If you're really fit, you can do it in a day.

So a two-state solution where Israel controls the security of the entire region. We don't call it quite that. I mean, there are different names, but the idea is, yes, Israel controls security in the region. It's the entire area. It's this tiny area between the Jordan River and the sea. I mean, it's like you can walk it in not one afternoon. If you're really fit, you can do it in a day.

So a two-state solution where Israel controls the security of the entire region. We don't call it quite that. I mean, there are different names, but the idea is, yes, Israel controls security in the region. It's the entire area. It's this tiny area between the Jordan River and the sea. I mean, it's like you can walk it in not one afternoon. If you're really fit, you can do it in a day.

Less than a day, I did.

Less than a day, I did.

Less than a day, I did.

Yeah, I can understand what they're saying, and they don't understand why they're wrong. First, most Israelis who live in Judea-Samaria live in urban blocks, and that accounts for about 90% of the population. And everybody recognizes that those urban blocks are going to be part of Israel in any future arrangement.

Yeah, I can understand what they're saying, and they don't understand why they're wrong. First, most Israelis who live in Judea-Samaria live in urban blocks, and that accounts for about 90% of the population. And everybody recognizes that those urban blocks are going to be part of Israel in any future arrangement.

Yeah, I can understand what they're saying, and they don't understand why they're wrong. First, most Israelis who live in Judea-Samaria live in urban blocks, and that accounts for about 90% of the population. And everybody recognizes that those urban blocks are going to be part of Israel in any future arrangement.

So they're really arguing about something that has already been decided and agreed upon, really, by Americans, even by Arabs, many Arabs. They don't think that Israel is going to dismantle these blocks. And you look outside the window here. And within about a kilometer, a mile from here, is you have Jerusalem. Half of Jerusalem grew naturally beyond the old 1967 border.

So they're really arguing about something that has already been decided and agreed upon, really, by Americans, even by Arabs, many Arabs. They don't think that Israel is going to dismantle these blocks. And you look outside the window here. And within about a kilometer, a mile from here, is you have Jerusalem. Half of Jerusalem grew naturally beyond the old 1967 border.

So they're really arguing about something that has already been decided and agreed upon, really, by Americans, even by Arabs, many Arabs. They don't think that Israel is going to dismantle these blocks. And you look outside the window here. And within about a kilometer, a mile from here, is you have Jerusalem. Half of Jerusalem grew naturally beyond the old 1967 border.

So you're not going to dismantle half of Jerusalem. That's not going to happen. And most people don't expect that. Then you have the other 10% scattered in tiny, you know, small communities. And people say, well, you're going to have to take them out. Why? Why? Remember that in pre-1967 Israel, we have over a million and a half Arabs here.

So you're not going to dismantle half of Jerusalem. That's not going to happen. And most people don't expect that. Then you have the other 10% scattered in tiny, you know, small communities. And people say, well, you're going to have to take them out. Why? Why? Remember that in pre-1967 Israel, we have over a million and a half Arabs here.

So you're not going to dismantle half of Jerusalem. That's not going to happen. And most people don't expect that. Then you have the other 10% scattered in tiny, you know, small communities. And people say, well, you're going to have to take them out. Why? Why? Remember that in pre-1967 Israel, we have over a million and a half Arabs here.

We don't say, oh, Israel has to be ethnically cleansed from Arabs in order to have, from its Arab citizens, in order to have peace. Of course not. Jews can live among Arabs, and Arabs can live among Jews. And what is being advanced by those people who say that we can't live in our ancestral homeland, in these disputed areas? Nobody says that this is Palestinian areas.

We don't say, oh, Israel has to be ethnically cleansed from Arabs in order to have, from its Arab citizens, in order to have peace. Of course not. Jews can live among Arabs, and Arabs can live among Jews. And what is being advanced by those people who say that we can't live in our ancestral homeland, in these disputed areas? Nobody says that this is Palestinian areas.