Benjamin Netanyahu

Remember, the Palestinians are about 2% of the Arab world. And the other, you know, the other 98%, you're not going to make peace with them. And that's our goal. And for a long time, people accepted that. After the initial peace treaties with Egypt, with Prime Minister Begin of the Likud and President Sadat of Egypt, and then with Jordan, between Prime Minister Rabin and King Hussein.

Remember, the Palestinians are about 2% of the Arab world. And the other, you know, the other 98%, you're not going to make peace with them. And that's our goal. And for a long time, people accepted that. After the initial peace treaties with Egypt, with Prime Minister Begin of the Likud and President Sadat of Egypt, and then with Jordan, between Prime Minister Rabin and King Hussein.

For a quarter of a century, we didn't have any more peace treaties because people said, you got to go through the Palestinians. And the Palestinians, they don't want a solution of the kind that I described or any kind except the one that involved the dissolution of the state of Israel. So we could wait another half century.

For a quarter of a century, we didn't have any more peace treaties because people said, you got to go through the Palestinians. And the Palestinians, they don't want a solution of the kind that I described or any kind except the one that involved the dissolution of the state of Israel. So we could wait another half century.

For a quarter of a century, we didn't have any more peace treaties because people said, you got to go through the Palestinians. And the Palestinians, they don't want a solution of the kind that I described or any kind except the one that involved the dissolution of the state of Israel. So we could wait another half century.

And I said, no, I mean, I don't think that we should accept the premise that we have to wait for the Palestinians because we'll have to wait forever. So I decided to do it differently. I decided to go directly to the Arab capitals and to make the historic Abraham Accords and essentially reversing the equation, not a peace process that goes inside out, but outside in.

And I said, no, I mean, I don't think that we should accept the premise that we have to wait for the Palestinians because we'll have to wait forever. So I decided to do it differently. I decided to go directly to the Arab capitals and to make the historic Abraham Accords and essentially reversing the equation, not a peace process that goes inside out, but outside in.

And I said, no, I mean, I don't think that we should accept the premise that we have to wait for the Palestinians because we'll have to wait forever. So I decided to do it differently. I decided to go directly to the Arab capitals and to make the historic Abraham Accords and essentially reversing the equation, not a peace process that goes inside out, but outside in.

And we went directly to these countries and forged these breakthrough peace accords with the United Arab Emirates, with Bahrain, with Morocco, and with Sudan. And we're now trying to expand that in a quantum leap.

And we went directly to these countries and forged these breakthrough peace accords with the United Arab Emirates, with Bahrain, with Morocco, and with Sudan. And we're now trying to expand that in a quantum leap.

And we went directly to these countries and forged these breakthrough peace accords with the United Arab Emirates, with Bahrain, with Morocco, and with Sudan. And we're now trying to expand that in a quantum leap.

You know, I'm a student of history, and I read a lot of history, and I read that in the Versailles discussions after World War I, President Woodrow Wilson said, I believe... in open covenants openly arrived at. I have my correction. I believed in open covenants secretly arrived at. So we're not going to advance a Saudi-Israeli peace by having it publicly discussed.

You know, I'm a student of history, and I read a lot of history, and I read that in the Versailles discussions after World War I, President Woodrow Wilson said, I believe... in open covenants openly arrived at. I have my correction. I believed in open covenants secretly arrived at. So we're not going to advance a Saudi-Israeli peace by having it publicly discussed.

You know, I'm a student of history, and I read a lot of history, and I read that in the Versailles discussions after World War I, President Woodrow Wilson said, I believe... in open covenants openly arrived at. I have my correction. I believed in open covenants secretly arrived at. So we're not going to advance a Saudi-Israeli peace by having it publicly discussed.

And in any case, it's a decision of the Saudis if they want to do it. But there's obviously a mutual interest. So here's my view. If we try to wait for the 2% in order to get to the 98%, we're going to fail, and we have failed. If we go to the 98%, we have a much greater chance of persuading the 2%. You know why?

And in any case, it's a decision of the Saudis if they want to do it. But there's obviously a mutual interest. So here's my view. If we try to wait for the 2% in order to get to the 98%, we're going to fail, and we have failed. If we go to the 98%, we have a much greater chance of persuading the 2%. You know why?

And in any case, it's a decision of the Saudis if they want to do it. But there's obviously a mutual interest. So here's my view. If we try to wait for the 2% in order to get to the 98%, we're going to fail, and we have failed. If we go to the 98%, we have a much greater chance of persuading the 2%. You know why?

Because the 2%, the Palestinian hope to vanquish the state of Israel and not make peace with it, is based, among other things, on the assumption that eventually the 98%, the rest of the Arab world, will kick in, and destroy the Jewish state, help them dissolve or destroy the Jewish state. When that hope is taken away, then you begin to have a turn to the realistic solutions of coexistence.

Because the 2%, the Palestinian hope to vanquish the state of Israel and not make peace with it, is based, among other things, on the assumption that eventually the 98%, the rest of the Arab world, will kick in, and destroy the Jewish state, help them dissolve or destroy the Jewish state. When that hope is taken away, then you begin to have a turn to the realistic solutions of coexistence.

Because the 2%, the Palestinian hope to vanquish the state of Israel and not make peace with it, is based, among other things, on the assumption that eventually the 98%, the rest of the Arab world, will kick in, and destroy the Jewish state, help them dissolve or destroy the Jewish state. When that hope is taken away, then you begin to have a turn to the realistic solutions of coexistence.