Curt Mills

No, it's the same. I mean, international relations has been made into, they have to make it into like a pseudoscience. Exactly.

Yeah, just like everything else.

Yeah, just like everything else.

Yeah, just like everything else.

Yeah. And then, you know, it's the same thing of all of academia, which is like people's theses are increasingly more Baroque and like nobody actually knows large things like the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, or at least... know it in a way that is applicable in power in real life.

Yeah. And then, you know, it's the same thing of all of academia, which is like people's theses are increasingly more Baroque and like nobody actually knows large things like the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, or at least... know it in a way that is applicable in power in real life.

Yeah. And then, you know, it's the same thing of all of academia, which is like people's theses are increasingly more Baroque and like nobody actually knows large things like the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, or at least... know it in a way that is applicable in power in real life.

And I mean, maybe things are changing now, but like also a lot of the foreign policy establishment, it's different now in the second term, but wouldn't work with the first Trump term, wouldn't work with their team. And I think that was a discredit of the country. I think that just did not serve the country. Well, of course it didn't serve the country.

And I mean, maybe things are changing now, but like also a lot of the foreign policy establishment, it's different now in the second term, but wouldn't work with the first Trump term, wouldn't work with their team. And I think that was a discredit of the country. I think that just did not serve the country. Well, of course it didn't serve the country.

And I mean, maybe things are changing now, but like also a lot of the foreign policy establishment, it's different now in the second term, but wouldn't work with the first Trump term, wouldn't work with their team. And I think that was a discredit of the country. I think that just did not serve the country. Well, of course it didn't serve the country.

Millions.

Millions.

Millions.

The Iranians backed proxies that killed U.S. troops in the Iraq War. Yeah, of course. But we shouldn't have done the Iraq War.

The Iranians backed proxies that killed U.S. troops in the Iraq War. Yeah, of course. But we shouldn't have done the Iraq War.

The Iranians backed proxies that killed U.S. troops in the Iraq War. Yeah, of course. But we shouldn't have done the Iraq War.

I think we have been moving towards one. And, you know, I think basically the biggest risk of a Democratic administration is a war with Russia. And the biggest risk of a Republican administration is a war with Iran. So my rule is always that's why it's more ethical to be a Republican, because at least the Iranians don't have nukes yet.

I think we have been moving towards one. And, you know, I think basically the biggest risk of a Democratic administration is a war with Russia. And the biggest risk of a Republican administration is a war with Iran. So my rule is always that's why it's more ethical to be a Republican, because at least the Iranians don't have nukes yet.

I think we have been moving towards one. And, you know, I think basically the biggest risk of a Democratic administration is a war with Russia. And the biggest risk of a Republican administration is a war with Iran. So my rule is always that's why it's more ethical to be a Republican, because at least the Iranians don't have nukes yet.

So that's actually like pretty close to my first principle, like just outright. Well, you've simplified it, haven't you, Kurt? Yes, yes. But the Iran war would be still like the worst and like not something that we should pursue. And look, foreign policy experts at this point will chime in on this conversation being like, oh, well, that's just so unrealistic. That's not actually what we want.