Damian Paletta

Yeah, this is kind of a tale of three memos. The Monday memo that didn't make a ton of sense. The Tuesday memo, which tried to walk a little bit back. And then there's the Wednesday memo that said, we rescind the Monday memo. Let's just pretend this never happened. And then Caroline Leavitt tweets out, well, we're not actually rescinding it. We're just doing something else.

And the judge saw the tweet and said, wait a second. We're still going to have a hearing on this. So I think, you know, this is a great example of the... Trump administration kind of coming out guns blazing, you know, following this Silicon Valley ethos of move fast and break things. And it shows it doesn't quite work that way in Washington.

And the judge saw the tweet and said, wait a second. We're still going to have a hearing on this. So I think, you know, this is a great example of the... Trump administration kind of coming out guns blazing, you know, following this Silicon Valley ethos of move fast and break things. And it shows it doesn't quite work that way in Washington.

And the judge saw the tweet and said, wait a second. We're still going to have a hearing on this. So I think, you know, this is a great example of the... Trump administration kind of coming out guns blazing, you know, following this Silicon Valley ethos of move fast and break things. And it shows it doesn't quite work that way in Washington.

I mean, obviously, the Trump administration, Elon Musk, everyone wants to change the way Washington works. And there's a lot of bipartisan support for attacking the budget and attacking government spending in a much different way.

I mean, obviously, the Trump administration, Elon Musk, everyone wants to change the way Washington works. And there's a lot of bipartisan support for attacking the budget and attacking government spending in a much different way.

I mean, obviously, the Trump administration, Elon Musk, everyone wants to change the way Washington works. And there's a lot of bipartisan support for attacking the budget and attacking government spending in a much different way.

But this way that they tried to completely claw back all power over government spending in a hastily written memo that obviously had some factual errors in it, I think shows that moving too fast in some key spaces like this could actually backfire on them.

But this way that they tried to completely claw back all power over government spending in a hastily written memo that obviously had some factual errors in it, I think shows that moving too fast in some key spaces like this could actually backfire on them.

But this way that they tried to completely claw back all power over government spending in a hastily written memo that obviously had some factual errors in it, I think shows that moving too fast in some key spaces like this could actually backfire on them.

I mean, there's a clear strategy by the Trump administration to take some of these things, birthright citizenship is one, and this Impoundment Act of 1974 is another, and get them out into the courts as quickly as possible.

I mean, there's a clear strategy by the Trump administration to take some of these things, birthright citizenship is one, and this Impoundment Act of 1974 is another, and get them out into the courts as quickly as possible.

I mean, there's a clear strategy by the Trump administration to take some of these things, birthright citizenship is one, and this Impoundment Act of 1974 is another, and get them out into the courts as quickly as possible.

Exactly. The Empowerment Act of the 1970s essentially puts restrictions around what the White House can do once the money has already been authorized by Congress and put into law. And Russ Vogt, who's Trump's nominee to be the budget director, and President Trump himself both believe that that law is unconstitutional and that the commander-in-chief should have the power to do that.

Exactly. The Empowerment Act of the 1970s essentially puts restrictions around what the White House can do once the money has already been authorized by Congress and put into law. And Russ Vogt, who's Trump's nominee to be the budget director, and President Trump himself both believe that that law is unconstitutional and that the commander-in-chief should have the power to do that.

Exactly. The Empowerment Act of the 1970s essentially puts restrictions around what the White House can do once the money has already been authorized by Congress and put into law. And Russ Vogt, who's Trump's nominee to be the budget director, and President Trump himself both believe that that law is unconstitutional and that the commander-in-chief should have the power to do that.

So what they want is... is to get this into the courts. They wanted a lawsuit about this, just like they wanted a lawsuit about the birthright citizenship executive order, which the Constitution appears to say, you know, should not go into effect.

So what they want is... is to get this into the courts. They wanted a lawsuit about this, just like they wanted a lawsuit about the birthright citizenship executive order, which the Constitution appears to say, you know, should not go into effect.

So what they want is... is to get this into the courts. They wanted a lawsuit about this, just like they wanted a lawsuit about the birthright citizenship executive order, which the Constitution appears to say, you know, should not go into effect.

But if there's a lawsuit and it gets in the courts and they get in front of a friendly Supreme Court, and actually Elon Musk and Vivek Ramaswamy wrote an op-ed in the journal saying exactly this, that they want this into the courts. So that if a friendly Supreme Court rules on it, then they get everything they want.