Daron Acemoglu

Then the seminar ends, and the chairman kind of introduces me, oh, this is Daron Asamoblu, you know, he's going to come to dinner. I was like, oh, seriously? Now they have to bring the guy to dinner?

Then the seminar ends, and the chairman kind of introduces me, oh, this is Daron Asamoblu, you know, he's going to come to dinner. I was like, oh, seriously? Now they have to bring the guy to dinner?

Then the seminar ends, and the chairman kind of introduces me, oh, this is Daron Asamoblu, you know, he's going to come to dinner. I was like, oh, seriously? Now they have to bring the guy to dinner?

He looks at me and he says, have you read this paper by North and Weingast? And I had read the paper. And then, what do you think about it?

He looks at me and he says, have you read this paper by North and Weingast? And I had read the paper. And then, what do you think about it?

He looks at me and he says, have you read this paper by North and Weingast? And I had read the paper. And then, what do you think about it?

You know, I grew up in the colonial world. It's not like rocket science. You know, you might think in retrospect to think that colonialism might have had something to do with the relative poverty of the Caribbean. OK, but no one talked about that in economics, like zero discussion.

You know, I grew up in the colonial world. It's not like rocket science. You know, you might think in retrospect to think that colonialism might have had something to do with the relative poverty of the Caribbean. OK, but no one talked about that in economics, like zero discussion.

You know, I grew up in the colonial world. It's not like rocket science. You know, you might think in retrospect to think that colonialism might have had something to do with the relative poverty of the Caribbean. OK, but no one talked about that in economics, like zero discussion.

It was amazing how sort of fringe a lot of these ideas were, basically because it's just not presented in the way that mainstream economists do research.

It was amazing how sort of fringe a lot of these ideas were, basically because it's just not presented in the way that mainstream economists do research.

It was amazing how sort of fringe a lot of these ideas were, basically because it's just not presented in the way that mainstream economists do research.

We almost said exactly the same thing, which was like, this is what economists study. But over there is all the things that I'm really passionate about. And then we were like, OK, you know, you only live once. Let's let's figure out how to bring these things together.

We almost said exactly the same thing, which was like, this is what economists study. But over there is all the things that I'm really passionate about. And then we were like, OK, you know, you only live once. Let's let's figure out how to bring these things together.

We almost said exactly the same thing, which was like, this is what economists study. But over there is all the things that I'm really passionate about. And then we were like, OK, you know, you only live once. Let's let's figure out how to bring these things together.

The thing that we latched onto is it's got to do with colonialism.

The thing that we latched onto is it's got to do with colonialism.

The thing that we latched onto is it's got to do with colonialism.

You know, why are institutions in Nigeria, you know, so lousy compared to the United States or Canada? You know, well, that's got something to do with the very different types of institutions that were created in the colonial world.

You know, why are institutions in Nigeria, you know, so lousy compared to the United States or Canada? You know, well, that's got something to do with the very different types of institutions that were created in the colonial world.