Dr. Tracy Vaillancourt

They've already dehumanized the individual. And then that has given them license to treat them poorly. Moral disengagement, I think, is the most important theory that explains how everyday people become bullies, how everyday people can treat others poorly and still sleep with a good conscience. Because really, it's about making our egregious acts more palatable.

They've already dehumanized the individual. And then that has given them license to treat them poorly. Moral disengagement, I think, is the most important theory that explains how everyday people become bullies, how everyday people can treat others poorly and still sleep with a good conscience. Because really, it's about making our egregious acts more palatable.

So there's a variety of different cognitive strategies, but basically you're trying to make your shitty behavior seem justified. Okay. So you may dehumanize the victim. You may blame the victim. You may diffuse responsibility. You may make advantageous comparisons. So like, listen, I just called her stupid. Chris is the one who shoved her in the locker. Like, come on, not even comparable.

So there's a variety of different cognitive strategies, but basically you're trying to make your shitty behavior seem justified. Okay. So you may dehumanize the victim. You may blame the victim. You may diffuse responsibility. You may make advantageous comparisons. So like, listen, I just called her stupid. Chris is the one who shoved her in the locker. Like, come on, not even comparable.

So there's a variety of different cognitive strategies, but basically you're trying to make your shitty behavior seem justified. Okay. So you may dehumanize the victim. You may blame the victim. You may diffuse responsibility. You may make advantageous comparisons. So like, listen, I just called her stupid. Chris is the one who shoved her in the locker. Like, come on, not even comparable.

So those are like, we use these, these mechanisms, these cognitive mechanisms to, to live with ourselves for the crummy behavior that we did. The other thing that people who bully others tend to do is they tend to not pick up on the cues of distress because But in fairness, part of it is because the power has corrupted them, so they just don't see it. Their brain actually works differently.

So those are like, we use these, these mechanisms, these cognitive mechanisms to, to live with ourselves for the crummy behavior that we did. The other thing that people who bully others tend to do is they tend to not pick up on the cues of distress because But in fairness, part of it is because the power has corrupted them, so they just don't see it. Their brain actually works differently.

So those are like, we use these, these mechanisms, these cognitive mechanisms to, to live with ourselves for the crummy behavior that we did. The other thing that people who bully others tend to do is they tend to not pick up on the cues of distress because But in fairness, part of it is because the power has corrupted them, so they just don't see it. Their brain actually works differently.

But the other part of it is that it's so embarrassing and humiliating to be bullied that a lot of times, and it's done so publicly, it really is typically a public event, that kids then hide their distress. So the one cue that is needed for the public, the bystanders to come in and support me is what I'm suppressing.

But the other part of it is that it's so embarrassing and humiliating to be bullied that a lot of times, and it's done so publicly, it really is typically a public event, that kids then hide their distress. So the one cue that is needed for the public, the bystanders to come in and support me is what I'm suppressing.

But the other part of it is that it's so embarrassing and humiliating to be bullied that a lot of times, and it's done so publicly, it really is typically a public event, that kids then hide their distress. So the one cue that is needed for the public, the bystanders to come in and support me is what I'm suppressing.

And it's the one cue that maybe will get that bully to be morally engaged instead of disengaged is the thing that I'm suppressing. So it's, you know, it gets really ugly.

And it's the one cue that maybe will get that bully to be morally engaged instead of disengaged is the thing that I'm suppressing. So it's, you know, it gets really ugly.

And it's the one cue that maybe will get that bully to be morally engaged instead of disengaged is the thing that I'm suppressing. So it's, you know, it gets really ugly.

I think in the moment, so there is some evidence that yes, but I think in the moment is when they have an empathetic gap, because that is when the moral disengagement is taking place. And that's when they feel fully justified. So maybe when they look back at it with fresh eyes and none of the emotional valence attached to it, they're able to be a bit more objective.

I think in the moment, so there is some evidence that yes, but I think in the moment is when they have an empathetic gap, because that is when the moral disengagement is taking place. And that's when they feel fully justified. So maybe when they look back at it with fresh eyes and none of the emotional valence attached to it, they're able to be a bit more objective.

I think in the moment, so there is some evidence that yes, but I think in the moment is when they have an empathetic gap, because that is when the moral disengagement is taking place. And that's when they feel fully justified. So maybe when they look back at it with fresh eyes and none of the emotional valence attached to it, they're able to be a bit more objective.

You pointed at one thing, though, and I just wanted to say, because if I'm not plugging my studies, what's the point of even being here? That we did a study of 1700 teachers and we asked them, like, why would you intervene on behalf of a kid who's been bullied? Like, what are the cues? Like, what is it that's going to that's going to motivate you to do something? And they said distress.

You pointed at one thing, though, and I just wanted to say, because if I'm not plugging my studies, what's the point of even being here? That we did a study of 1700 teachers and we asked them, like, why would you intervene on behalf of a kid who's been bullied? Like, what are the cues? Like, what is it that's going to that's going to motivate you to do something? And they said distress.

You pointed at one thing, though, and I just wanted to say, because if I'm not plugging my studies, what's the point of even being here? That we did a study of 1700 teachers and we asked them, like, why would you intervene on behalf of a kid who's been bullied? Like, what are the cues? Like, what is it that's going to that's going to motivate you to do something? And they said distress.