Edward Gibson

Well, if I have two things which are identical and I want you to give me the one that's different and the only way it varies is color, then I invent a word which tells you, you know, this is the one I want. So I want the red sweater off the rack, not the green sweater, right? There's two.

Well, if I have two things which are identical and I want you to give me the one that's different and the only way it varies is color, then I invent a word which tells you, you know, this is the one I want. So I want the red sweater off the rack, not the green sweater, right? There's two.

And so those things will be identical because these are things we made and they're dyed and there's nothing different about them. And so in industrialized society, we have You know, everything we've got is pretty much arbitrarily colored. But if you go to a non-industrialized group, that's not true. And so they don't—it's not only that they're not interested in color.

And so those things will be identical because these are things we made and they're dyed and there's nothing different about them. And so in industrialized society, we have You know, everything we've got is pretty much arbitrarily colored. But if you go to a non-industrialized group, that's not true. And so they don't—it's not only that they're not interested in color.

And so those things will be identical because these are things we made and they're dyed and there's nothing different about them. And so in industrialized society, we have You know, everything we've got is pretty much arbitrarily colored. But if you go to a non-industrialized group, that's not true. And so they don't—it's not only that they're not interested in color.

If you bring bright-colored things to them, they like them just like we like them. Bright colors are great. They're beautiful. But they just don't need to talk about them. They don't have—

If you bring bright-colored things to them, they like them just like we like them. Bright colors are great. They're beautiful. But they just don't need to talk about them. They don't have—

If you bring bright-colored things to them, they like them just like we like them. Bright colors are great. They're beautiful. But they just don't need to talk about them. They don't have—

We have a little bit of old English to modern English because there was a writing system, and we can see how old English looked. So the word order changed, for instance, in old English to middle English to modern English. And so we could see things like that, but most languages don't even have a writing system. So of the 7,000, Only a small subset of those have a writing system.

We have a little bit of old English to modern English because there was a writing system, and we can see how old English looked. So the word order changed, for instance, in old English to middle English to modern English. And so we could see things like that, but most languages don't even have a writing system. So of the 7,000, Only a small subset of those have a writing system.

We have a little bit of old English to modern English because there was a writing system, and we can see how old English looked. So the word order changed, for instance, in old English to middle English to modern English. And so we could see things like that, but most languages don't even have a writing system. So of the 7,000, Only a small subset of those have a writing system.

And even if they have a writing system, it's not a very modern writing system. And so they don't have it. So we just basically have for Mandarin, for Chinese, we have a lot of evidence for a long time and for English and not for much else. Not for German a little bit, but not for a whole lot of long-term language evolution. We don't have a lot.

And even if they have a writing system, it's not a very modern writing system. And so they don't have it. So we just basically have for Mandarin, for Chinese, we have a lot of evidence for a long time and for English and not for much else. Not for German a little bit, but not for a whole lot of long-term language evolution. We don't have a lot.

And even if they have a writing system, it's not a very modern writing system. And so they don't have it. So we just basically have for Mandarin, for Chinese, we have a lot of evidence for a long time and for English and not for much else. Not for German a little bit, but not for a whole lot of long-term language evolution. We don't have a lot.

We just have snapshots is what we've got of current languages.

We just have snapshots is what we've got of current languages.

We just have snapshots is what we've got of current languages.

I mean, English is changing. English changes all the time. All languages change all the time. So, you know, there's a famous result about the Queen's English. So if you look at the Queen's vowels, the Queen's English is supposed to be, you know, originally the proper way for the talk was sort of defined by whoever the Queen talked or the King, whoever was in charge.

I mean, English is changing. English changes all the time. All languages change all the time. So, you know, there's a famous result about the Queen's English. So if you look at the Queen's vowels, the Queen's English is supposed to be, you know, originally the proper way for the talk was sort of defined by whoever the Queen talked or the King, whoever was in charge.

I mean, English is changing. English changes all the time. All languages change all the time. So, you know, there's a famous result about the Queen's English. So if you look at the Queen's vowels, the Queen's English is supposed to be, you know, originally the proper way for the talk was sort of defined by whoever the Queen talked or the King, whoever was in charge.