Eli Lake

One sees an echo of this threat in Donald Trump's refusal to accept the rulings of the courts after he lost the 2020 election. Populist indignation can lead presidents to ignore the constitutional restraints on their power. All in all, Jackson had a successful two-term presidency.

One sees an echo of this threat in Donald Trump's refusal to accept the rulings of the courts after he lost the 2020 election. Populist indignation can lead presidents to ignore the constitutional restraints on their power. All in all, Jackson had a successful two-term presidency.

His vice president, Martin Van Buren, won the 1836 election and continued his policies of Indian removal and his opposition to the Second National Bank. As such, Jackson's moral and political legacy is at best mixed. But his legacy as a populist leader is unquestionable. He attacked institutions. He battled with the Supreme Court. He represented average Joes against the elites.

His vice president, Martin Van Buren, won the 1836 election and continued his policies of Indian removal and his opposition to the Second National Bank. As such, Jackson's moral and political legacy is at best mixed. But his legacy as a populist leader is unquestionable. He attacked institutions. He battled with the Supreme Court. He represented average Joes against the elites.

His vice president, Martin Van Buren, won the 1836 election and continued his policies of Indian removal and his opposition to the Second National Bank. As such, Jackson's moral and political legacy is at best mixed. But his legacy as a populist leader is unquestionable. He attacked institutions. He battled with the Supreme Court. He represented average Joes against the elites.

And today, the real question is what will happen to the man 200 years later who is taking on Jackson's mantle as the populist president.

And today, the real question is what will happen to the man 200 years later who is taking on Jackson's mantle as the populist president.

And today, the real question is what will happen to the man 200 years later who is taking on Jackson's mantle as the populist president.

That was Donald Trump more than eight years ago at the Al Smith charity dinner in New York. I think that clip captures the populist contempt that Trump and his movement has for all of the bigwigs in that room on that evening back in 2016. These events are supposed to be pageants of bipartisanship.

That was Donald Trump more than eight years ago at the Al Smith charity dinner in New York. I think that clip captures the populist contempt that Trump and his movement has for all of the bigwigs in that room on that evening back in 2016. These events are supposed to be pageants of bipartisanship.

That was Donald Trump more than eight years ago at the Al Smith charity dinner in New York. I think that clip captures the populist contempt that Trump and his movement has for all of the bigwigs in that room on that evening back in 2016. These events are supposed to be pageants of bipartisanship.

The Republican and Democratic candidates make self-deprecating jokes in tuxedos and evening gowns for Catholic charity. But Trump chose instead to drop the mask and tell it like it is. He was once in their club, but now he's the barbarian at the gate. And this says something about populism.

The Republican and Democratic candidates make self-deprecating jokes in tuxedos and evening gowns for Catholic charity. But Trump chose instead to drop the mask and tell it like it is. He was once in their club, but now he's the barbarian at the gate. And this says something about populism.

The Republican and Democratic candidates make self-deprecating jokes in tuxedos and evening gowns for Catholic charity. But Trump chose instead to drop the mask and tell it like it is. He was once in their club, but now he's the barbarian at the gate. And this says something about populism.

Because as effective as Jackson and Trump were as campaigners, they were better at destroying an old order their voters despise than building something in its place. Part of this is because populists distrust large institutions. Part of this is because populists are prone to conspiracy theories.

Because as effective as Jackson and Trump were as campaigners, they were better at destroying an old order their voters despise than building something in its place. Part of this is because populists distrust large institutions. Part of this is because populists are prone to conspiracy theories.

Because as effective as Jackson and Trump were as campaigners, they were better at destroying an old order their voters despise than building something in its place. Part of this is because populists distrust large institutions. Part of this is because populists are prone to conspiracy theories.

Jackson couldn't understand the importance of a central bank to building roads and canals, so he assumed the bank was a tool of plutocracy. Trump was so contemptuous and distrustful of the FBI that he was willing to obstruct their investigation into his personal papers he shipped from the White House to Mar-a-Lago. These are the negative sides of populism.

Jackson couldn't understand the importance of a central bank to building roads and canals, so he assumed the bank was a tool of plutocracy. Trump was so contemptuous and distrustful of the FBI that he was willing to obstruct their investigation into his personal papers he shipped from the White House to Mar-a-Lago. These are the negative sides of populism.

Jackson couldn't understand the importance of a central bank to building roads and canals, so he assumed the bank was a tool of plutocracy. Trump was so contemptuous and distrustful of the FBI that he was willing to obstruct their investigation into his personal papers he shipped from the White House to Mar-a-Lago. These are the negative sides of populism.