Eric Kaufmann

Well, I think there is a certain commonality between woke and religion, especially this distinction between the sacred and the profane, that if you cross a line, you are a heretic that must be cast out of the community. and banished. Also, this idea of rituals, for example, like land acknowledgements and taking the knee and jazz hands. And there's a lot of performative public religion.

Well, I think there is a certain commonality between woke and religion, especially this distinction between the sacred and the profane, that if you cross a line, you are a heretic that must be cast out of the community. and banished. Also, this idea of rituals, for example, like land acknowledgements and taking the knee and jazz hands. And there's a lot of performative public religion.

It looks very much like public religion. Woke is, it stems from your emotional attachment to particular groups and particular movements. And this begins with the civil rights movement, which I argue is the Big Bang of our moral order. creates the sacredness around African-Americans.

It looks very much like public religion. Woke is, it stems from your emotional attachment to particular groups and particular movements. And this begins with the civil rights movement, which I argue is the Big Bang of our moral order. creates the sacredness around African-Americans.

And Shelby Steele in his book, White Guilds, is very good on this as an African-American who lived through the civil rights movement, which was, of course, just a liberal movement, but it essentially created a narrative of sin

And Shelby Steele in his book, White Guilds, is very good on this as an African-American who lived through the civil rights movement, which was, of course, just a liberal movement, but it essentially created a narrative of sin

and a narrative that essentially the cultural power and the moral authority flowed to African Americans, but it also flowed at the same time away from the right and the traditional American narrative towards the left. So this was a real shift of cultural power and of sacredness to these groups. And so... I argue that this detachment to these groups underpins the system, not any particular ideas.

and a narrative that essentially the cultural power and the moral authority flowed to African Americans, but it also flowed at the same time away from the right and the traditional American narrative towards the left. So this was a real shift of cultural power and of sacredness to these groups. And so... I argue that this detachment to these groups underpins the system, not any particular ideas.

So because of that, you get these unpredictable waves that can emerge of enthusiasm or moral panics that can emerge. We saw that with the racial reckoning in 2020 in Canada. We had this narrative of the residential schools, mass graves, the country committing genocide against Native peoples. There's not a shred of evidence for that, but it sort of became a talking point. So that's all I'm saying.

So because of that, you get these unpredictable waves that can emerge of enthusiasm or moral panics that can emerge. We saw that with the racial reckoning in 2020 in Canada. We had this narrative of the residential schools, mass graves, the country committing genocide against Native peoples. There's not a shred of evidence for that, but it sort of became a talking point. So that's all I'm saying.

It's similar to the great awakenings of American Protestantism, for example.

It's similar to the great awakenings of American Protestantism, for example.

Well, there've been a number of books by people like Chris Ruffo and James Lindsay and Francis Fukuyama and Yashima that talk about the role of essentially post-Marxism. So the white working class didn't bring the revolution.

Well, there've been a number of books by people like Chris Ruffo and James Lindsay and Francis Fukuyama and Yashima that talk about the role of essentially post-Marxism. So the white working class didn't bring the revolution.

So people like Herbert Marcuse and Angela Davis looked to other groups, so African-Americans, the third world masses as the source of their hopes for radical social transformation and the overthrow of capitalism. Now that argument that we moved who took the oppressor-oppressed paradigm out of Marxism and applied it to identity groups, I think has merit.

So people like Herbert Marcuse and Angela Davis looked to other groups, so African-Americans, the third world masses as the source of their hopes for radical social transformation and the overthrow of capitalism. Now that argument that we moved who took the oppressor-oppressed paradigm out of Marxism and applied it to identity groups, I think has merit.

But what I would say is that a lot of what we consider woke actually does not begin with cultural Marxism. Now, it's true that critical race theory and radical gender ideology These ideas like systemic racism and patriarchy do owe their origin to cultural Marxist ideas.

But what I would say is that a lot of what we consider woke actually does not begin with cultural Marxism. Now, it's true that critical race theory and radical gender ideology These ideas like systemic racism and patriarchy do owe their origin to cultural Marxist ideas.

But speech codes, for example, diversity training, affirmative action, none of that, political correctness, none of that comes from this Marxist tradition. Also, the way in which The radical elements have been so easily accepted. You know, Eldridge Cleaver and Angela Davis getting jobs at prestigious U.S. universities. The people of Seattle voting to defund the police by 51%.

But speech codes, for example, diversity training, affirmative action, none of that, political correctness, none of that comes from this Marxist tradition. Also, the way in which The radical elements have been so easily accepted. You know, Eldridge Cleaver and Angela Davis getting jobs at prestigious U.S. universities. The people of Seattle voting to defund the police by 51%.