George Barros

I mean, Russia has a population or had a population of 150 million people before the war. Ukraine was around 40 to 45 million people. So, they're working with a little over a three to one manpower advantage net. But the Russians, despite this, they've not been able to decisively dominate the Ukrainians. I mean, the Russians only occupy 18 and a half percent of Ukraine.

I mean, Russia has a population or had a population of 150 million people before the war. Ukraine was around 40 to 45 million people. So, they're working with a little over a three to one manpower advantage net. But the Russians, despite this, they've not been able to decisively dominate the Ukrainians. I mean, the Russians only occupy 18 and a half percent of Ukraine.

I mean, Russia has a population or had a population of 150 million people before the war. Ukraine was around 40 to 45 million people. So, they're working with a little over a three to one manpower advantage net. But the Russians, despite this, they've not been able to decisively dominate the Ukrainians. I mean, the Russians only occupy 18 and a half percent of Ukraine.

And at the current tempo of operations, it's going to take them well over 80 years to occupy all of Ukraine.

And at the current tempo of operations, it's going to take them well over 80 years to occupy all of Ukraine.

And at the current tempo of operations, it's going to take them well over 80 years to occupy all of Ukraine.

Well, I think there's several things that Putin would consider to be a victory. If he could, for example, achieve a de facto veto over the NATO alliance and have the NATO alliance redo its charter and have the NATO alliance and the NATO side preemptively say, as part of an agreement, it's okay. As part of the agreement, you can't get into NATO. I think that'd be a massive win.

Well, I think there's several things that Putin would consider to be a victory. If he could, for example, achieve a de facto veto over the NATO alliance and have the NATO alliance redo its charter and have the NATO alliance and the NATO side preemptively say, as part of an agreement, it's okay. As part of the agreement, you can't get into NATO. I think that'd be a massive win.

Well, I think there's several things that Putin would consider to be a victory. If he could, for example, achieve a de facto veto over the NATO alliance and have the NATO alliance redo its charter and have the NATO alliance and the NATO side preemptively say, as part of an agreement, it's okay. As part of the agreement, you can't get into NATO. I think that'd be a massive win.

Because as you know, NATO's charter includes an open invitation to any member state that meets the membership criteria. But if we change that and then allow the Russians to have a veto over NATO, that's a huge win.

Because as you know, NATO's charter includes an open invitation to any member state that meets the membership criteria. But if we change that and then allow the Russians to have a veto over NATO, that's a huge win.

Because as you know, NATO's charter includes an open invitation to any member state that meets the membership criteria. But if we change that and then allow the Russians to have a veto over NATO, that's a huge win.

I think Putin also wants to, at a minimum, continue seething in war fighting for the territory of the four provinces that he declared annexed back in fall 2022, Luhansk, Donetsk, Zaporizhia, and Kherson Oblast, none of which the Russians occupy in their entirety.

I think Putin also wants to, at a minimum, continue seething in war fighting for the territory of the four provinces that he declared annexed back in fall 2022, Luhansk, Donetsk, Zaporizhia, and Kherson Oblast, none of which the Russians occupy in their entirety.

I think Putin also wants to, at a minimum, continue seething in war fighting for the territory of the four provinces that he declared annexed back in fall 2022, Luhansk, Donetsk, Zaporizhia, and Kherson Oblast, none of which the Russians occupy in their entirety.

and which would likely take a current pace at least two to three years to finish war fighting, assuming that there's not a massive collapse on either side. But it's a tall order and I think there's no... Realistically, I don't really think there's an end in sight. You don't think it's an end in sight to the current conflict, to the war? In the short term, no.

and which would likely take a current pace at least two to three years to finish war fighting, assuming that there's not a massive collapse on either side. But it's a tall order and I think there's no... Realistically, I don't really think there's an end in sight. You don't think it's an end in sight to the current conflict, to the war? In the short term, no.

and which would likely take a current pace at least two to three years to finish war fighting, assuming that there's not a massive collapse on either side. But it's a tall order and I think there's no... Realistically, I don't really think there's an end in sight. You don't think it's an end in sight to the current conflict, to the war? In the short term, no.

Because look, if the last piece of American aid is going to be that presidential draw, the President Biden authorized for the part of the office, Putin's just going to outweigh it. That aid is scheduled to last through maybe a few more months, certainly not get the Ukrainians through the summer. We'll have to see what the Europeans end up doing. What extent can they offset Americans?

Because look, if the last piece of American aid is going to be that presidential draw, the President Biden authorized for the part of the office, Putin's just going to outweigh it. That aid is scheduled to last through maybe a few more months, certainly not get the Ukrainians through the summer. We'll have to see what the Europeans end up doing. What extent can they offset Americans?