Harmeet Dhillon

The Department of Justice in the last four years has spent 65,000 hours in the Civil Rights Division, which only had about 60 lawyers. So tens of thousands of hours spent. monitoring these consent decrees. I mean, it is a mind-boggling volume of waste.

The Department of Justice in the last four years has spent 65,000 hours in the Civil Rights Division, which only had about 60 lawyers. So tens of thousands of hours spent. monitoring these consent decrees. I mean, it is a mind-boggling volume of waste.

That is correct. That is the average outcome of a consent decree.

That is correct. That is the average outcome of a consent decree.

That is correct. That is the average outcome of a consent decree.

Well, what we're doing is one by one looking at every existing consent decree, and I haven't gotten through all of them, but, you know, we got to the point where six weeks in, I said, look, we have to put a stop to these. I mean, some of these cities, so Phoenix, Arizona, we're dismissing the findings, we're withdrawing the findings in our pre-consent decree efforts there.

Well, what we're doing is one by one looking at every existing consent decree, and I haven't gotten through all of them, but, you know, we got to the point where six weeks in, I said, look, we have to put a stop to these. I mean, some of these cities, so Phoenix, Arizona, we're dismissing the findings, we're withdrawing the findings in our pre-consent decree efforts there.

Well, what we're doing is one by one looking at every existing consent decree, and I haven't gotten through all of them, but, you know, we got to the point where six weeks in, I said, look, we have to put a stop to these. I mean, some of these cities, so Phoenix, Arizona, we're dismissing the findings, we're withdrawing the findings in our pre-consent decree efforts there.

Mount Vernon, New York, a tiny... Police Department with, you know, what I would say a couple of practices that I wouldn't necessarily agree are the best practices, but, you know, they've also agreed to stop doing them. So why is the federal government getting involved and putting together thick reports? Oklahoma City is another one. Trenton, New Jersey is another one.

Mount Vernon, New York, a tiny... Police Department with, you know, what I would say a couple of practices that I wouldn't necessarily agree are the best practices, but, you know, they've also agreed to stop doing them. So why is the federal government getting involved and putting together thick reports? Oklahoma City is another one. Trenton, New Jersey is another one.

Mount Vernon, New York, a tiny... Police Department with, you know, what I would say a couple of practices that I wouldn't necessarily agree are the best practices, but, you know, they've also agreed to stop doing them. So why is the federal government getting involved and putting together thick reports? Oklahoma City is another one. Trenton, New Jersey is another one.

The Mississippi Police Department is another one. The Mississippi State Police is another one. And then we have Memphis, which we already discussed. And so in some cases, these cities didn't go along with them. They fought the DOJ. So, you know, good for them having some integrity in their city government.

The Mississippi Police Department is another one. The Mississippi State Police is another one. And then we have Memphis, which we already discussed. And so in some cases, these cities didn't go along with them. They fought the DOJ. So, you know, good for them having some integrity in their city government.

The Mississippi Police Department is another one. The Mississippi State Police is another one. And then we have Memphis, which we already discussed. And so in some cases, these cities didn't go along with them. They fought the DOJ. So, you know, good for them having some integrity in their city government.

So Phoenix seems to be an attempt by the Department of Justice to go after a sort of purple, reddish jurisdiction and hold them accountable for trying to impose quality of life standards. So, for example, Phoenix has been called to account in the DOJ report that we're withdrawing as part of my investigation for moving the homeless along. And what law do they cite in this consent decree analysis?

So Phoenix seems to be an attempt by the Department of Justice to go after a sort of purple, reddish jurisdiction and hold them accountable for trying to impose quality of life standards. So, for example, Phoenix has been called to account in the DOJ report that we're withdrawing as part of my investigation for moving the homeless along. And what law do they cite in this consent decree analysis?

So Phoenix seems to be an attempt by the Department of Justice to go after a sort of purple, reddish jurisdiction and hold them accountable for trying to impose quality of life standards. So, for example, Phoenix has been called to account in the DOJ report that we're withdrawing as part of my investigation for moving the homeless along. And what law do they cite in this consent decree analysis?

They cite the Boise, Idaho case that people are familiar with, where the court, the Ninth Circuit, held that it was unconstitutional for Boise to try to move homeless people off the street unless you had a nice housing to put them in. Well, the United States Supreme Court reversed that. And so they reversed it in the Grants Pass case.

They cite the Boise, Idaho case that people are familiar with, where the court, the Ninth Circuit, held that it was unconstitutional for Boise to try to move homeless people off the street unless you had a nice housing to put them in. Well, the United States Supreme Court reversed that. And so they reversed it in the Grants Pass case.

They cite the Boise, Idaho case that people are familiar with, where the court, the Ninth Circuit, held that it was unconstitutional for Boise to try to move homeless people off the street unless you had a nice housing to put them in. Well, the United States Supreme Court reversed that. And so they reversed it in the Grants Pass case.