Harmeet Dhillon

And the judge is a guy getting paid to determine the outcome. And it is a broken system. Some of these consent decree monitors have fake companies, shell companies that haven't been registered with any state. Some of them have fake nonprofits that aren't really nonprofits. They sell themselves and, you know, there's never any accountability.

And the judge is a guy getting paid to determine the outcome. And it is a broken system. Some of these consent decree monitors have fake companies, shell companies that haven't been registered with any state. Some of them have fake nonprofits that aren't really nonprofits. They sell themselves and, you know, there's never any accountability.

And so at a minimum, what we're doing for all of these existing consent decrees as well is to look at these monitors and Are they real? What goals have they accomplished in a decade? Are things better in that city? Are the people safer? What are we getting in exchange? Some of these consent decrees, Tucker, cost cities over the course of this 10 years.

And so at a minimum, what we're doing for all of these existing consent decrees as well is to look at these monitors and Are they real? What goals have they accomplished in a decade? Are things better in that city? Are the people safer? What are we getting in exchange? Some of these consent decrees, Tucker, cost cities over the course of this 10 years.

And so at a minimum, what we're doing for all of these existing consent decrees as well is to look at these monitors and Are they real? What goals have they accomplished in a decade? Are things better in that city? Are the people safer? What are we getting in exchange? Some of these consent decrees, Tucker, cost cities over the course of this 10 years.

Just forget the monitor was getting paid 10 million bucks on average. $200 million in some cases is what it costs a city or a county to comply with a decade-long consent decree because they have to do all these endless trainings and they have to fill out all these forms.

Just forget the monitor was getting paid 10 million bucks on average. $200 million in some cases is what it costs a city or a county to comply with a decade-long consent decree because they have to do all these endless trainings and they have to fill out all these forms.

Just forget the monitor was getting paid 10 million bucks on average. $200 million in some cases is what it costs a city or a county to comply with a decade-long consent decree because they have to do all these endless trainings and they have to fill out all these forms.

The Department of Justice in the last four years has spent 65,000 hours in the Civil Rights Division, which only had about 60 lawyers. So tens of thousands of hours spent. monitoring these consent decrees. I mean, it is a mind-boggling volume of waste.

The Department of Justice in the last four years has spent 65,000 hours in the Civil Rights Division, which only had about 60 lawyers. So tens of thousands of hours spent. monitoring these consent decrees. I mean, it is a mind-boggling volume of waste.

The Department of Justice in the last four years has spent 65,000 hours in the Civil Rights Division, which only had about 60 lawyers. So tens of thousands of hours spent. monitoring these consent decrees. I mean, it is a mind-boggling volume of waste.

That is correct. That is the average outcome of a consent decree.

That is correct. That is the average outcome of a consent decree.

That is correct. That is the average outcome of a consent decree.

Well, what we're doing is one by one looking at every existing consent decree, and I haven't gotten through all of them, but, you know, we got to the point where six weeks in, I said, look, we have to put a stop to these. I mean, some of these cities, so Phoenix, Arizona, we're dismissing the findings, we're withdrawing the findings in our pre-consent decree efforts there.

Well, what we're doing is one by one looking at every existing consent decree, and I haven't gotten through all of them, but, you know, we got to the point where six weeks in, I said, look, we have to put a stop to these. I mean, some of these cities, so Phoenix, Arizona, we're dismissing the findings, we're withdrawing the findings in our pre-consent decree efforts there.

Well, what we're doing is one by one looking at every existing consent decree, and I haven't gotten through all of them, but, you know, we got to the point where six weeks in, I said, look, we have to put a stop to these. I mean, some of these cities, so Phoenix, Arizona, we're dismissing the findings, we're withdrawing the findings in our pre-consent decree efforts there.

Mount Vernon, New York, a tiny... Police Department with, you know, what I would say a couple of practices that I wouldn't necessarily agree are the best practices, but, you know, they've also agreed to stop doing them. So why is the federal government getting involved and putting together thick reports? Oklahoma City is another one. Trenton, New Jersey is another one.

Mount Vernon, New York, a tiny... Police Department with, you know, what I would say a couple of practices that I wouldn't necessarily agree are the best practices, but, you know, they've also agreed to stop doing them. So why is the federal government getting involved and putting together thick reports? Oklahoma City is another one. Trenton, New Jersey is another one.

Mount Vernon, New York, a tiny... Police Department with, you know, what I would say a couple of practices that I wouldn't necessarily agree are the best practices, but, you know, they've also agreed to stop doing them. So why is the federal government getting involved and putting together thick reports? Oklahoma City is another one. Trenton, New Jersey is another one.