J.D. Vance (quoted)
👤 PersonAppearances Over Time
Podcast Appearances
It's very easy for somebody like me to watch the sources of news that I watch and to only see the really offensive stuff that Trump did replayed over and over again.
It's very easy for somebody like me to watch the sources of news that I watch and to only see the really offensive stuff that Trump did replayed over and over again.
It's very easy for somebody like me to watch the sources of news that I watch and to only see the really offensive stuff that Trump did replayed over and over again.
But if you go to one of his rallies, it's maybe 5% him being really outrageous and offensive and 95% him talking about, here are all the things that are wrong in your community, here's why they're wrong, and I'm going to bring back jobs. That was the core thesis of Trump's entire argument.
But if you go to one of his rallies, it's maybe 5% him being really outrageous and offensive and 95% him talking about, here are all the things that are wrong in your community, here's why they're wrong, and I'm going to bring back jobs. That was the core thesis of Trump's entire argument.
But if you go to one of his rallies, it's maybe 5% him being really outrageous and offensive and 95% him talking about, here are all the things that are wrong in your community, here's why they're wrong, and I'm going to bring back jobs. That was the core thesis of Trump's entire argument.
But I actually think the most significant part of that trip was is that it signified the end of a decades-long approach in foreign policy that I think was a break from the precedent set by our founding fathers.
But I actually think the most significant part of that trip was is that it signified the end of a decades-long approach in foreign policy that I think was a break from the precedent set by our founding fathers.
But I actually think the most significant part of that trip was is that it signified the end of a decades-long approach in foreign policy that I think was a break from the precedent set by our founding fathers.
We had a long experiment in our foreign policy that traded national defense and the maintenance of our alliances for nation-building and meddling in foreign countries' affairs, even when those foreign countries had very little to do with core American interests.
We had a long experiment in our foreign policy that traded national defense and the maintenance of our alliances for nation-building and meddling in foreign countries' affairs, even when those foreign countries had very little to do with core American interests.
We had a long experiment in our foreign policy that traded national defense and the maintenance of our alliances for nation-building and meddling in foreign countries' affairs, even when those foreign countries had very little to do with core American interests.
Our government took its eye off the ball of great power competition and preparing to take on a peer adversary. And instead, we devoted ourselves to sprawling, amorphous tasks, like searching for new terrorists to take out while building up faraway regimes. Now, I want to be clear. The Trump administration has reversed course. No more undefined missions. No more open-ended conflicts.
Our government took its eye off the ball of great power competition and preparing to take on a peer adversary. And instead, we devoted ourselves to sprawling, amorphous tasks, like searching for new terrorists to take out while building up faraway regimes. Now, I want to be clear. The Trump administration has reversed course. No more undefined missions. No more open-ended conflicts.
Our government took its eye off the ball of great power competition and preparing to take on a peer adversary. And instead, we devoted ourselves to sprawling, amorphous tasks, like searching for new terrorists to take out while building up faraway regimes. Now, I want to be clear. The Trump administration has reversed course. No more undefined missions. No more open-ended conflicts.
We're returning to a strategy grounded in realism and protecting our core national interests. Now, this doesn't mean that we ignore threats, but it means that we approach them with discipline and that when we send you to war, we do it with a very specific set of goals in mind. And consider how this played out in just the last major conflict we engaged in with the Houthis over in the Middle East.
We're returning to a strategy grounded in realism and protecting our core national interests. Now, this doesn't mean that we ignore threats, but it means that we approach them with discipline and that when we send you to war, we do it with a very specific set of goals in mind. And consider how this played out in just the last major conflict we engaged in with the Houthis over in the Middle East.
We're returning to a strategy grounded in realism and protecting our core national interests. Now, this doesn't mean that we ignore threats, but it means that we approach them with discipline and that when we send you to war, we do it with a very specific set of goals in mind. And consider how this played out in just the last major conflict we engaged in with the Houthis over in the Middle East.
We went in with a clear diplomatic goal, not to enmesh our service members in a prolonged conflict with a non-state actor, but to secure American freedom of navigation by forcing the Houthis to stop attacking American ships. And that's exactly what we did.
We went in with a clear diplomatic goal, not to enmesh our service members in a prolonged conflict with a non-state actor, but to secure American freedom of navigation by forcing the Houthis to stop attacking American ships. And that's exactly what we did.