Jean-Paul Faguet
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Bolivia also had a version of the European and North American left versus right. The problem is that Bolivia never had an industrial revolution.
Bolivia also had a version of the European and North American left versus right. The problem is that Bolivia never had an industrial revolution.
Bolivia to this day is still a country that is predominantly an agricultural and then also a natural resource exporter, where the working class, the self-identified working class that thinks of itself as a class, like people who vote Labour in the UK, or especially if you go back to the 1950s, 60s and 70s, people who voted Labour in the UK, people who voted Labour
Bolivia to this day is still a country that is predominantly an agricultural and then also a natural resource exporter, where the working class, the self-identified working class that thinks of itself as a class, like people who vote Labour in the UK, or especially if you go back to the 1950s, 60s and 70s, people who voted Labour in the UK, people who voted Labour
social democrat in Germany, for example, or Holland, or a number of European countries, people who voted for the socialists in France, were a self-identified working class who, in 1950s Britain, for example, spoke with similar accents, wore flat caps, tended to live in similar neighborhoods, dressed in a similar way, had a similar accent, in opposition to people from the right wing, who tended to be richer, who were educated in a different way, who used different clothing and had a different accent.
social democrat in Germany, for example, or Holland, or a number of European countries, people who voted for the socialists in France, were a self-identified working class who, in 1950s Britain, for example, spoke with similar accents, wore flat caps, tended to live in similar neighborhoods, dressed in a similar way, had a similar accent, in opposition to people from the right wing, who tended to be richer, who were educated in a different way, who used different clothing and had a different accent.
So this whole complex of things, which is reflecting the key divide in that society, which is, are you a worker or are you an owner of capital or owner of land? So that divide just didn't mean anything in a country like Bolivia, which never had an industrial revolution, didn't have a self-identified working class.
So this whole complex of things, which is reflecting the key divide in that society, which is, are you a worker or are you an owner of capital or owner of land? So that divide just didn't mean anything in a country like Bolivia, which never had an industrial revolution, didn't have a self-identified working class.
And I stress that Bolivians work really hard and poor Bolivians work really, really hard. But they see themselves as farmers or as Quechua and Aymara speakers, as members of the Ayu or the Maiku if they live in rural Bolivia, or they see themselves as migrants or the children of migrants to the city who might live in peri-urban areas. But they don't see themselves as a working class.
And I stress that Bolivians work really hard and poor Bolivians work really, really hard. But they see themselves as farmers or as Quechua and Aymara speakers, as members of the Ayu or the Maiku if they live in rural Bolivia, or they see themselves as migrants or the children of migrants to the city who might live in peri-urban areas. But they don't see themselves as a working class.
That's just not who they are. And it didn't have, you know, on the right side of that divide, it didn't have a lot of capitalists who own a lot of capital because there's not that much industry in Bolivia. So I'm sorry.
That's just not who they are. And it didn't have, you know, on the right side of that divide, it didn't have a lot of capitalists who own a lot of capital because there's not that much industry in Bolivia. So I'm sorry.
But the society didn't. Exactly. So now... Why was this the case? So I've kind of gone halfway to answering the second question. So let me flip back to the first one. Why was this the case? Well, I think the people who made the revolution in 1952 were the illustrated sons of the upper middle class, the bourgeoisie, not the richest people in the country. The revolution was against them.
But the society didn't. Exactly. So now... Why was this the case? So I've kind of gone halfway to answering the second question. So let me flip back to the first one. Why was this the case? Well, I think the people who made the revolution in 1952 were the illustrated sons of the upper middle class, the bourgeoisie, not the richest people in the country. The revolution was against them.
But it was sort of middle class professionals and educated people. And so I think there are two things. One is that it was aspirational. What they wanted was a state driven industrialization program that was rapidly going to industrialize the economy and create a working class. So you're going to have capital. The capital was going to be largely in the hands of the state, but that's all right.
But it was sort of middle class professionals and educated people. And so I think there are two things. One is that it was aspirational. What they wanted was a state driven industrialization program that was rapidly going to industrialize the economy and create a working class. So you're going to have capital. The capital was going to be largely in the hands of the state, but that's all right.
And you're going to have a working class. And also because I think they looked around in 1952 and they thought, you know, what is the leading edge of what we want our society to look like? Where do we want to go towards? They looked to the US, Germany, Who were the leading? I guess Western Europe was rebuilding. So all of these countries have left right political systems.
And you're going to have a working class. And also because I think they looked around in 1952 and they thought, you know, what is the leading edge of what we want our society to look like? Where do we want to go towards? They looked to the US, Germany, Who were the leading? I guess Western Europe was rebuilding. So all of these countries have left right political systems.
And so it's aspirational. It's like, OK, we're not there yet. It doesn't quite fit now, but hopefully soon if we succeed. You know, so we may as well start with that now. The other thing, of course, is that the real cleavage in Bolivia is ethnic identitarianism.
And so it's aspirational. It's like, OK, we're not there yet. It doesn't quite fit now, but hopefully soon if we succeed. You know, so we may as well start with that now. The other thing, of course, is that the real cleavage in Bolivia is ethnic identitarianism.