Jeffrey Wasserstrom

And the May 4th movement had helped lay the groundwork for the Chinese Communist Party. Some member leading founders of it had been student activists then. It was an anti-imperialist movement, but it was also a movement against bad government. And so the students thought, you know, the anniversary of that movement.

And the May 4th movement had helped lay the groundwork for the Chinese Communist Party. Some member leading founders of it had been student activists then. It was an anti-imperialist movement, but it was also a movement against bad government. And so the students thought, you know, the anniversary of that movement.

Movement was always marked, commemorated in China, and people took the history seriously. People were reminded of what students did in the past. And so there were a lot of reasons why people were itching to do something. And then a leader... Hu Yaobang, who was associated with the more kind of reformist, more liberalizing group within the Chinese Communist Party.

Movement was always marked, commemorated in China, and people took the history seriously. People were reminded of what students did in the past. And so there were a lot of reasons why people were itching to do something. And then a leader... Hu Yaobang, who was associated with the more kind of reformist, more liberalizing group within the Chinese Communist Party.

Movement was always marked, commemorated in China, and people took the history seriously. People were reminded of what students did in the past. And so there were a lot of reasons why people were itching to do something. And then a leader... Hu Yaobang, who was associated with the more kind of reformist, more liberalizing group within the Chinese Communist Party.

He had been stripped of a very high office, demoted after taking, partly taking a fairly light stance toward the 86, 87 protests. And so he was still a member of the government, but he was not as high up in power. He had been very high up. He had been sort of Deng Xiaoping's potential successor. And he dies unexpectedly. And there has to be a funeral for him because he dies still as an official.

He had been stripped of a very high office, demoted after taking, partly taking a fairly light stance toward the 86, 87 protests. And so he was still a member of the government, but he was not as high up in power. He had been very high up. He had been sort of Deng Xiaoping's potential successor. And he dies unexpectedly. And there has to be a funeral for him because he dies still as an official.

He had been stripped of a very high office, demoted after taking, partly taking a fairly light stance toward the 86, 87 protests. And so he was still a member of the government, but he was not as high up in power. He had been very high up. He had been sort of Deng Xiaoping's potential successor. And he dies unexpectedly. And there has to be a funeral for him because he dies still as an official.

And the students take advantage of the opening of their having to be commemorations of his death. And they put up posters that basically say the wrong people are dying. Hu Yaobang was younger than some of the more conservative members, they said. So some people are dying too young. Some people are... don't seem like they're ever going to die. And so they begin these sorts of protests.

And the students take advantage of the opening of their having to be commemorations of his death. And they put up posters that basically say the wrong people are dying. Hu Yaobang was younger than some of the more conservative members, they said. So some people are dying too young. Some people are... don't seem like they're ever going to die. And so they begin these sorts of protests.

And the students take advantage of the opening of their having to be commemorations of his death. And they put up posters that basically say the wrong people are dying. Hu Yaobang was younger than some of the more conservative members, they said. So some people are dying too young. Some people are... don't seem like they're ever going to die. And so they begin these sorts of protests.

This is in April of 89. And the government tries to sort of get the protests to stop quickly, and they use the sort of same technique of they issue an editorial in People's Daily that says this is creating chaos, which is a code term for taking us back to the Cultural Revolution. And this time, the students say, no, you know, we're just trying to show our patriotism. We believe that

This is in April of 89. And the government tries to sort of get the protests to stop quickly, and they use the sort of same technique of they issue an editorial in People's Daily that says this is creating chaos, which is a code term for taking us back to the Cultural Revolution. And this time, the students say, no, you know, we're just trying to show our patriotism. We believe that

This is in April of 89. And the government tries to sort of get the protests to stop quickly, and they use the sort of same technique of they issue an editorial in People's Daily that says this is creating chaos, which is a code term for taking us back to the Cultural Revolution. And this time, the students say, no, you know, we're just trying to show our patriotism. We believe that

There's too much corruption and nepotism. There's not enough support for the more liberalizing wing within the party. And so they keep up the protests. And there's a lot of frustration at this point. There are also economic frustrations at this point. The economy is improving because of the reforms, but it seems that people with good government connections are getting rich too easily.

There's too much corruption and nepotism. There's not enough support for the more liberalizing wing within the party. And so they keep up the protests. And there's a lot of frustration at this point. There are also economic frustrations at this point. The economy is improving because of the reforms, but it seems that people with good government connections are getting rich too easily.

There's too much corruption and nepotism. There's not enough support for the more liberalizing wing within the party. And so they keep up the protests. And there's a lot of frustration at this point. There are also economic frustrations at this point. The economy is improving because of the reforms, but it seems that people with good government connections are getting rich too easily.

And so there's sort of a sense of unfairness. The students are also really frustrated by the kind of macro managing of their private lives on campuses. So The protests at Tiananmen Square and in plazas all around the country and other cities as well become this mix of things. It's an anti-corruption movement. It's a call for more democracy movement. It's a call for more freedom of speech movement.

And so there's sort of a sense of unfairness. The students are also really frustrated by the kind of macro managing of their private lives on campuses. So The protests at Tiananmen Square and in plazas all around the country and other cities as well become this mix of things. It's an anti-corruption movement. It's a call for more democracy movement. It's a call for more freedom of speech movement.

And so there's sort of a sense of unfairness. The students are also really frustrated by the kind of macro managing of their private lives on campuses. So The protests at Tiananmen Square and in plazas all around the country and other cities as well become this mix of things. It's an anti-corruption movement. It's a call for more democracy movement. It's a call for more freedom of speech movement.