Kevin

And what that meant was all Americans just had more kids, Americans of all different races, because there was a prioritization on those who were natural born citizens. The 1965 Immigration Act, as we all know, changed much of that. And one of the great dangers that it introduced was this.

At every period of mass migration, whether you talk about the Irish in the 1840s or the migrations from southeastern Europe, 1880 to 1920, that you had a period of assimilation that followed these waves. What's happened since 1965 is an ever increasing number of migrants. And it poses that great threat to us that I think the founders warned about.

At every period of mass migration, whether you talk about the Irish in the 1840s or the migrations from southeastern Europe, 1880 to 1920, that you had a period of assimilation that followed these waves. What's happened since 1965 is an ever increasing number of migrants. And it poses that great threat to us that I think the founders warned about.

And that is how do we maintain some kind of a unified. Yeah, go ahead.

And that is how do we maintain some kind of a unified. Yeah, go ahead.

No. in the terms that we use it today. What kind of diversity was valuable? Well, if you read Madison in Federalist 10, he talks about diversity of talents and property. Yeah, that's valuable. But if you get to the end of Federalist 10, he warns about a lack of any common sense of the whole. And so there's a mean that has to be achieved.

No. in the terms that we use it today. What kind of diversity was valuable? Well, if you read Madison in Federalist 10, he talks about diversity of talents and property. Yeah, that's valuable. But if you get to the end of Federalist 10, he warns about a lack of any common sense of the whole. And so there's a mean that has to be achieved.

And then obviously, again, the founders did not think we could have a racially diverse body politic that would also secure Republican freedoms. And that's why in the Naturalization Act, again, one of the first acts passed by Congress in 1790, only free whites could become citizens. They were afraid. And this is why, you know, James Madison was president of the American Colonization Society.

And then obviously, again, the founders did not think we could have a racially diverse body politic that would also secure Republican freedoms. And that's why in the Naturalization Act, again, one of the first acts passed by Congress in 1790, only free whites could become citizens. They were afraid. And this is why, you know, James Madison was president of the American Colonization Society.

So anytime, you know, I have an establishment Republican, they look at me and they say, well, Madison loved diversity. And you say, he was president of an organization whose end was to ship blacks back to Africa. That's the kind of diversity the American founders thought possible with regard to race. Now, again, we don't agree with that anymore, but I think it remains a challenge to us.

So anytime, you know, I have an establishment Republican, they look at me and they say, well, Madison loved diversity. And you say, he was president of an organization whose end was to ship blacks back to Africa. That's the kind of diversity the American founders thought possible with regard to race. Now, again, we don't agree with that anymore, but I think it remains a challenge to us.

And who was around in 2020 that didn't see this appeal to tribalism flare back up? And I think this is where Trump has been excellent in trying to appeal to the things that unify us as Americans.

And who was around in 2020 that didn't see this appeal to tribalism flare back up? And I think this is where Trump has been excellent in trying to appeal to the things that unify us as Americans.

No, I think it's kind of absurd that those who wrote, ratified the 14th Amendment would have thought that it applied to the children of illegals, even when the Supreme Court weighed in to establish those who were born on U.S. soil were U.S. citizens, that it was for a migrant worker who was here legally. So no, I don't think it applies.

No, I think it's kind of absurd that those who wrote, ratified the 14th Amendment would have thought that it applied to the children of illegals, even when the Supreme Court weighed in to establish those who were born on U.S. soil were U.S. citizens, that it was for a migrant worker who was here legally. So no, I don't think it applies.

Obviously, in the 14th Amendment, you've got that clause that talks about those who are not subject to a foreign jurisdiction. And all those who are illegal immigrants would apply that they would be classified under that clause. So the Supreme Court's never ruled on that. We can see a case like Plyler v. Doe.

Obviously, in the 14th Amendment, you've got that clause that talks about those who are not subject to a foreign jurisdiction. And all those who are illegal immigrants would apply that they would be classified under that clause. So the Supreme Court's never ruled on that. We can see a case like Plyler v. Doe.

They've talked about certain rights of the children of illegal immigrants to education in the United States. But Supreme Court's never actually ruled on that question, whether birthright citizenship applies to those who are here illegally. Not legally, those who are here to work, but those who are here illegally.

They've talked about certain rights of the children of illegal immigrants to education in the United States. But Supreme Court's never actually ruled on that question, whether birthright citizenship applies to those who are here illegally. Not legally, those who are here to work, but those who are here illegally.

Well, you know, Madison, he defines faction in Federalist 10. He says any time that there is an individual or a group whose ends would deprive other citizens of their rights, that's a faction. So he's in favor of interest groups. But the real caution that I think the founders give us with regard to faction of ethnicity, race, those kinds of things,