Mark Medina

You know, me and my friends would often joke that Cesar Chavez is like the patron saint of East Los Angeles, even though it's nowhere near Delano. And there's a reason for that. I think that a lot of us looked up to the United Farm Workers. We looked up to the farm worker union movement and we saw in them our heroes, our modern day heroes. We saw them. We saw people who said, be proud to be brown.

You know, me and my friends would often joke that Cesar Chavez is like the patron saint of East Los Angeles, even though it's nowhere near Delano. And there's a reason for that. I think that a lot of us looked up to the United Farm Workers. We looked up to the farm worker union movement and we saw in them our heroes, our modern day heroes. We saw them. We saw people who said, be proud to be brown.

You know, there's a courage that comes from that history. The union movement that then sprung up in 2013 in the Bellingham, northern Washington area was coming out of that milieu. They understood that background. They understood that history. But they also understood that there was very little organizing in the region. There was a lot of fear in the region.

You know, there's a courage that comes from that history. The union movement that then sprung up in 2013 in the Bellingham, northern Washington area was coming out of that milieu. They understood that background. They understood that history. But they also understood that there was very little organizing in the region. There was a lot of fear in the region.

You know, there's a courage that comes from that history. The union movement that then sprung up in 2013 in the Bellingham, northern Washington area was coming out of that milieu. They understood that background. They understood that history. But they also understood that there was very little organizing in the region. There was a lot of fear in the region.

It's very difficult to organize farm workers.

It's very difficult to organize farm workers.

It's very difficult to organize farm workers.

To have access to a lot of these areas, you have to cross just private property for quite some time before you reach the first farm worker. And it becomes very, very difficult to have organizing happen. And it's intentional that way. The rise in farm worker unions that happened in the 60s and 70s had a massive plummet by the time that we get into the 90s and 2000s.

To have access to a lot of these areas, you have to cross just private property for quite some time before you reach the first farm worker. And it becomes very, very difficult to have organizing happen. And it's intentional that way. The rise in farm worker unions that happened in the 60s and 70s had a massive plummet by the time that we get into the 90s and 2000s.

To have access to a lot of these areas, you have to cross just private property for quite some time before you reach the first farm worker. And it becomes very, very difficult to have organizing happen. And it's intentional that way. The rise in farm worker unions that happened in the 60s and 70s had a massive plummet by the time that we get into the 90s and 2000s.

And so these workers had heard these stories, had heard about this legacy. but had been essentially dealing with increasing frustration, racist behavior by bosses, lower and lower pay, and the use of certain types of immigrants to try to scab their jobs. It'd be the capitalist class using one type of worker against another type of worker, pinging them against each other.

And so these workers had heard these stories, had heard about this legacy. but had been essentially dealing with increasing frustration, racist behavior by bosses, lower and lower pay, and the use of certain types of immigrants to try to scab their jobs. It'd be the capitalist class using one type of worker against another type of worker, pinging them against each other.

And so these workers had heard these stories, had heard about this legacy. but had been essentially dealing with increasing frustration, racist behavior by bosses, lower and lower pay, and the use of certain types of immigrants to try to scab their jobs. It'd be the capitalist class using one type of worker against another type of worker, pinging them against each other.

It's in this context in 2013 that this union starts to form. They go public at that time period. They call for recognition and they start taking action directly. And they organize this years and years long boycott campaign to gain recognition, to get the employer to start bargaining.

It's in this context in 2013 that this union starts to form. They go public at that time period. They call for recognition and they start taking action directly. And they organize this years and years long boycott campaign to gain recognition, to get the employer to start bargaining.

It's in this context in 2013 that this union starts to form. They go public at that time period. They call for recognition and they start taking action directly. And they organize this years and years long boycott campaign to gain recognition, to get the employer to start bargaining.

And after years and years of this and court battles and the employer trying to lay everyone off and hire certain types of newer immigrants coming in to replace all of them, pitting one worker against another, all these types of maneuvers. By 2017, these workers win a contract.

And after years and years of this and court battles and the employer trying to lay everyone off and hire certain types of newer immigrants coming in to replace all of them, pitting one worker against another, all these types of maneuvers. By 2017, these workers win a contract.

And after years and years of this and court battles and the employer trying to lay everyone off and hire certain types of newer immigrants coming in to replace all of them, pitting one worker against another, all these types of maneuvers. By 2017, these workers win a contract.