Mark Siljander

the distributors of democracy that constituted the American military would be welcomed with open hands, arms, and when the dictator tyrant was deposed, the freedom-loving people would rise up and democracy would prevail, which is, you might say, a somewhat naive view of how democracy works. And I know that's a bit of a parody, but that was my sense of the sentiment, the belief.

And so the neocons... They were convinced, let me see if I get it right, the neocons were convinced that if they put the might of the U.S.

And so the neocons... They were convinced, let me see if I get it right, the neocons were convinced that if they put the might of the U.S.

And so the neocons... They were convinced, let me see if I get it right, the neocons were convinced that if they put the might of the U.S.

military and the willingness to engage in warfare behind their pro-democracy words and threatened the stability of authoritarian regimes, that there'd be the possibility of eliciting something like, say, a genuine Arab Spring or a genuine transformation among the freedom-loving people of the Middle East, something like that. Am I parodying it too brutally, or is that...

military and the willingness to engage in warfare behind their pro-democracy words and threatened the stability of authoritarian regimes, that there'd be the possibility of eliciting something like, say, a genuine Arab Spring or a genuine transformation among the freedom-loving people of the Middle East, something like that. Am I parodying it too brutally, or is that...

military and the willingness to engage in warfare behind their pro-democracy words and threatened the stability of authoritarian regimes, that there'd be the possibility of eliciting something like, say, a genuine Arab Spring or a genuine transformation among the freedom-loving people of the Middle East, something like that. Am I parodying it too brutally, or is that...

Quite articulately. Okay. And it's critical to note that for several administrations, including a Democrat, there were regime change policies. And in the Bush administration, there was a secret policy revealed by General Wesley Clark some years ago, much post-Bush's term, two terms in office, that there were seven countries they wanted a regime change.

Quite articulately. Okay. And it's critical to note that for several administrations, including a Democrat, there were regime change policies. And in the Bush administration, there was a secret policy revealed by General Wesley Clark some years ago, much post-Bush's term, two terms in office, that there were seven countries they wanted a regime change.

Quite articulately. Okay. And it's critical to note that for several administrations, including a Democrat, there were regime change policies. And in the Bush administration, there was a secret policy revealed by General Wesley Clark some years ago, much post-Bush's term, two terms in office, that there were seven countries they wanted a regime change.

And they would do, as you know, anything to achieve it. So I felt it would be critical, since most of these countries were Muslim countries, and almost all conflicts, which are about 120 at the moment globally, have to do with Muslims, Christians, and or Jews, that perhaps a logical thing would be to study the Semitic holy books behind each. Yeah, right.

And they would do, as you know, anything to achieve it. So I felt it would be critical, since most of these countries were Muslim countries, and almost all conflicts, which are about 120 at the moment globally, have to do with Muslims, Christians, and or Jews, that perhaps a logical thing would be to study the Semitic holy books behind each. Yeah, right.

And they would do, as you know, anything to achieve it. So I felt it would be critical, since most of these countries were Muslim countries, and almost all conflicts, which are about 120 at the moment globally, have to do with Muslims, Christians, and or Jews, that perhaps a logical thing would be to study the Semitic holy books behind each. Yeah, right.

And then see if there's more common ground than we have known heretofore.

And then see if there's more common ground than we have known heretofore.

And then see if there's more common ground than we have known heretofore.

So I thought, well— Okay, and was that part of the epiphany? Yes, it was. Okay, so how did—okay, so how— So let's go back to the biographical details, and then I'll go into the neocon issue again with you. Well, you said that your initial stance—this was back in the 1980s—was rather traditional, straight-laced, evangelical, and you regarded yourself as an advocate for—

So I thought, well— Okay, and was that part of the epiphany? Yes, it was. Okay, so how did—okay, so how— So let's go back to the biographical details, and then I'll go into the neocon issue again with you. Well, you said that your initial stance—this was back in the 1980s—was rather traditional, straight-laced, evangelical, and you regarded yourself as an advocate for—

So I thought, well— Okay, and was that part of the epiphany? Yes, it was. Okay, so how did—okay, so how— So let's go back to the biographical details, and then I'll go into the neocon issue again with you. Well, you said that your initial stance—this was back in the 1980s—was rather traditional, straight-laced, evangelical, and you regarded yourself as an advocate for—

Christianity in the face of something approximating Muslim error and enmity. And then when you were in Congress, you realized that there was something wrong with that stance, even perhaps from a Christian perspective. But you also had a conceptual realization, which was there is some commonality of text between the three major Abrahamic faiths. And if you analyze that commonality, you'd be able to