Matthew Goodwin

serious academics, people like Professor Jan van de Beek, have shown this. The influx of low-skill, low-wage migration from the Middle East and Africa is a net fiscal cost to European economies, right? If you looked at it simply through the lens of a cost-benefit analysis, you would simply say, this makes no sense. We've got to radically change the way we're dealing with migration.

serious academics, people like Professor Jan van de Beek, have shown this. The influx of low-skill, low-wage migration from the Middle East and Africa is a net fiscal cost to European economies, right? If you looked at it simply through the lens of a cost-benefit analysis, you would simply say, this makes no sense. We've got to radically change the way we're dealing with migration.

serious academics, people like Professor Jan van de Beek, have shown this. The influx of low-skill, low-wage migration from the Middle East and Africa is a net fiscal cost to European economies, right? If you looked at it simply through the lens of a cost-benefit analysis, you would simply say, this makes no sense. We've got to radically change the way we're dealing with migration.

Yet still, the elite class won't change it. So obviously, this is about the accruing social status for themselves.

Yet still, the elite class won't change it. So obviously, this is about the accruing social status for themselves.

Yet still, the elite class won't change it. So obviously, this is about the accruing social status for themselves.

But there's something else going on here too, which is the enforcement of these taboos within our conversation around migration, around, you know, what John McWhorter and others would call the new religion, the sacred values that we cannot question, pro net zero, pro migration, pro diversity in all of its forms.

But there's something else going on here too, which is the enforcement of these taboos within our conversation around migration, around, you know, what John McWhorter and others would call the new religion, the sacred values that we cannot question, pro net zero, pro migration, pro diversity in all of its forms.

But there's something else going on here too, which is the enforcement of these taboos within our conversation around migration, around, you know, what John McWhorter and others would call the new religion, the sacred values that we cannot question, pro net zero, pro migration, pro diversity in all of its forms.

And that's exactly why, for example, Jordan, we didn't get to the bottom of the rape gangs crisis because it was people's fears within the elite institutions of being seen to be racist, being seen to be conservative, being seen to be Islamophobic or whatever word you want to, whatever term you want to choose, which stopped people from getting to the truth.

And that's exactly why, for example, Jordan, we didn't get to the bottom of the rape gangs crisis because it was people's fears within the elite institutions of being seen to be racist, being seen to be conservative, being seen to be Islamophobic or whatever word you want to, whatever term you want to choose, which stopped people from getting to the truth.

And that's exactly why, for example, Jordan, we didn't get to the bottom of the rape gangs crisis because it was people's fears within the elite institutions of being seen to be racist, being seen to be conservative, being seen to be Islamophobic or whatever word you want to, whatever term you want to choose, which stopped people from getting to the truth.

So the imposition of these taboos, the imposition of these social norms of trying to tightly control racism the national conversation through hate laws, through these Orwellian things we have in the UK called non-crime hate incidents, which again are sort of police measures that are designed to stifle debate and discussion. All of this, I think, is about

So the imposition of these taboos, the imposition of these social norms of trying to tightly control racism the national conversation through hate laws, through these Orwellian things we have in the UK called non-crime hate incidents, which again are sort of police measures that are designed to stifle debate and discussion. All of this, I think, is about

So the imposition of these taboos, the imposition of these social norms of trying to tightly control racism the national conversation through hate laws, through these Orwellian things we have in the UK called non-crime hate incidents, which again are sort of police measures that are designed to stifle debate and discussion. All of this, I think, is about

controlling the supply of information, stigmatizing alternative opposition to the elite project, and trying to use these taboos to basically impose this elite project from above. And the losers, of course, are ordinary people who are asking themselves questions like, well, why are tens of thousands, if not hundreds of thousands, of young white working class girls being raped

controlling the supply of information, stigmatizing alternative opposition to the elite project, and trying to use these taboos to basically impose this elite project from above. And the losers, of course, are ordinary people who are asking themselves questions like, well, why are tens of thousands, if not hundreds of thousands, of young white working class girls being raped

controlling the supply of information, stigmatizing alternative opposition to the elite project, and trying to use these taboos to basically impose this elite project from above. And the losers, of course, are ordinary people who are asking themselves questions like, well, why are tens of thousands, if not hundreds of thousands, of young white working class girls being raped

in Great Britain and nobody talked about it for 30 years? Like, that's a question a lot of people in this country are asking. Why didn't the legacy media? do anything about this.

in Great Britain and nobody talked about it for 30 years? Like, that's a question a lot of people in this country are asking. Why didn't the legacy media? do anything about this.