Michael Morris

So I do think in a case like that, people, people start to, even though their fellow college, you know, fellow college students are, marching and chanting and calling their classmates Nazis. And it's bizarre because, you know, yeah, there is a big problem in the world, but your fellow Columbia undergraduates are not the problem.

So I do think in a case like that, people, people start to, even though their fellow college, you know, fellow college students are, marching and chanting and calling their classmates Nazis. And it's bizarre because, you know, yeah, there is a big problem in the world, but your fellow Columbia undergraduates are not the problem.

But there's this tendency for the, you know, these protests started as vigils, vigils expressing solidarity for vulnerable civilians in Israel and in Gaza. But then a few months later, the protests were accusations, you know, accusing the opposite faction of students of being Nazis and being genocidal. So

But there's this tendency for the, you know, these protests started as vigils, vigils expressing solidarity for vulnerable civilians in Israel and in Gaza. But then a few months later, the protests were accusations, you know, accusing the opposite faction of students of being Nazis and being genocidal. So

But there's this tendency for the, you know, these protests started as vigils, vigils expressing solidarity for vulnerable civilians in Israel and in Gaza. But then a few months later, the protests were accusations, you know, accusing the opposite faction of students of being Nazis and being genocidal. So

I do think in that case, because people are aware of the mortality and the bloodshed, there's this way in which people take on this exaggerated sense of being vulnerable themselves. Some of my Israeli colleagues who are leaders in the protests, they would say things like, my children would be more safe you know, in Israel or in the Gaza Strip than they are at the Columbia campus.

I do think in that case, because people are aware of the mortality and the bloodshed, there's this way in which people take on this exaggerated sense of being vulnerable themselves. Some of my Israeli colleagues who are leaders in the protests, they would say things like, my children would be more safe you know, in Israel or in the Gaza Strip than they are at the Columbia campus.

I do think in that case, because people are aware of the mortality and the bloodshed, there's this way in which people take on this exaggerated sense of being vulnerable themselves. Some of my Israeli colleagues who are leaders in the protests, they would say things like, my children would be more safe you know, in Israel or in the Gaza Strip than they are at the Columbia campus.

And I'm like, okay, there's not a lot of threat to physical safety. There's been a threat to people's peace of mind because there's been some harassment, but there are not people being killed.

And I'm like, okay, there's not a lot of threat to physical safety. There's been a threat to people's peace of mind because there's been some harassment, but there are not people being killed.

And I'm like, okay, there's not a lot of threat to physical safety. There's been a threat to people's peace of mind because there's been some harassment, but there are not people being killed.

There is hostility. I'm not arguing that there's no hostility in these conflicts. I'm just saying it doesn't start from hostility. It doesn't start from a drive to derogate and fear outsiders and that solidarity within one's group does not imply or necessitate antagonism towards other groups. And now that may sound like,

There is hostility. I'm not arguing that there's no hostility in these conflicts. I'm just saying it doesn't start from hostility. It doesn't start from a drive to derogate and fear outsiders and that solidarity within one's group does not imply or necessitate antagonism towards other groups. And now that may sound like,

There is hostility. I'm not arguing that there's no hostility in these conflicts. I'm just saying it doesn't start from hostility. It doesn't start from a drive to derogate and fear outsiders and that solidarity within one's group does not imply or necessitate antagonism towards other groups. And now that may sound like,

semantic hair splitting, but it's not because the diagnosis that, that, you know, there's this, this discourse that we talked about of people saying like, uh, a deeply buried drive to hate outsiders has somehow atavistically reawoken to doom us to a future of internecine.

semantic hair splitting, but it's not because the diagnosis that, that, you know, there's this, this discourse that we talked about of people saying like, uh, a deeply buried drive to hate outsiders has somehow atavistically reawoken to doom us to a future of internecine.

semantic hair splitting, but it's not because the diagnosis that, that, you know, there's this, this discourse that we talked about of people saying like, uh, a deeply buried drive to hate outsiders has somehow atavistically reawoken to doom us to a future of internecine.

You know, it's like very grandiose rhetoric and it doesn't, it doesn't suggest ameliorative, it doesn't suggest ameliorative policies because, well, if we're cursed by some drive to, to hate and to be hostile and, that is not something that we can really work with. But if, for example, we believe that the root of the increased partisan conflict has to do with

You know, it's like very grandiose rhetoric and it doesn't, it doesn't suggest ameliorative, it doesn't suggest ameliorative policies because, well, if we're cursed by some drive to, to hate and to be hostile and, that is not something that we can really work with. But if, for example, we believe that the root of the increased partisan conflict has to do with

You know, it's like very grandiose rhetoric and it doesn't, it doesn't suggest ameliorative, it doesn't suggest ameliorative policies because, well, if we're cursed by some drive to, to hate and to be hostile and, that is not something that we can really work with. But if, for example, we believe that the root of the increased partisan conflict has to do with