Mike Benz

So am I being crazy? Oh, not at all. I mean, there's a million direct examples of this. There's something that you've brought up several times so far around Black Lives Matter.

Right. No. And there's a few pieces to that. So first, Black Lives Matter is, you know, one of the main NGOs that serves as the Black Lives Matter clearinghouse is the Tide Center and the Tides Foundation. And USAID gave the Tide Center a $27 million grant. Wow.

Right. No. And there's a few pieces to that. So first, Black Lives Matter is, you know, one of the main NGOs that serves as the Black Lives Matter clearinghouse is the Tide Center and the Tides Foundation. And USAID gave the Tide Center a $27 million grant. Wow.

Right. No. And there's a few pieces to that. So first, Black Lives Matter is, you know, one of the main NGOs that serves as the Black Lives Matter clearinghouse is the Tide Center and the Tides Foundation. And USAID gave the Tide Center a $27 million grant. Wow.

Yeah. And now nominally that grant is for the Tide Center institutions to solicit secure concrete investments from foreign countries on issues related to U.S. national interest. So basically the USAID has deputized this, you know, group that's... you know, in the center of the nest around Black Lives Matter to secure commitments from foreign governments from a formal U.S. government agency.

Yeah. And now nominally that grant is for the Tide Center institutions to solicit secure concrete investments from foreign countries on issues related to U.S. national interest. So basically the USAID has deputized this, you know, group that's... you know, in the center of the nest around Black Lives Matter to secure commitments from foreign governments from a formal U.S. government agency.

Yeah. And now nominally that grant is for the Tide Center institutions to solicit secure concrete investments from foreign countries on issues related to U.S. national interest. So basically the USAID has deputized this, you know, group that's... you know, in the center of the nest around Black Lives Matter to secure commitments from foreign governments from a formal U.S. government agency.

They're deputized to act as a sort of long arm of the State Department and they're getting $27 million for it. And by the way, when they get Actually, before I go deeper on the Black Lives Matter stuff, because there's a lot there. I've been calling this the Smithmont problem for USAID.

They're deputized to act as a sort of long arm of the State Department and they're getting $27 million for it. And by the way, when they get Actually, before I go deeper on the Black Lives Matter stuff, because there's a lot there. I've been calling this the Smithmont problem for USAID.

They're deputized to act as a sort of long arm of the State Department and they're getting $27 million for it. And by the way, when they get Actually, before I go deeper on the Black Lives Matter stuff, because there's a lot there. I've been calling this the Smithmont problem for USAID.

We had a Smithmont Act from 1948 until 2013 with the modernization under Obama that effectively got rid of it that prohibited foreign propaganda or fake news stories intended for foreign audiences from being circulated here at home. They got rid of that. With USAID, it's even worse because as bad as it is for propaganda, USAID has the Smithmont problem for financing and operations.

We had a Smithmont Act from 1948 until 2013 with the modernization under Obama that effectively got rid of it that prohibited foreign propaganda or fake news stories intended for foreign audiences from being circulated here at home. They got rid of that. With USAID, it's even worse because as bad as it is for propaganda, USAID has the Smithmont problem for financing and operations.

We had a Smithmont Act from 1948 until 2013 with the modernization under Obama that effectively got rid of it that prohibited foreign propaganda or fake news stories intended for foreign audiences from being circulated here at home. They got rid of that. With USAID, it's even worse because as bad as it is for propaganda, USAID has the Smithmont problem for financing and operations.

USAID can provide money to international institutions or to NGOs for their work abroad, but then they turn around and now they have all this money. And they now are wealthy and powerful and deeply ingrained, highly pedigreed institutions because of all their money from state and aid and and Ned. But there's nothing blocking them from also operating on U.S. soil.

USAID can provide money to international institutions or to NGOs for their work abroad, but then they turn around and now they have all this money. And they now are wealthy and powerful and deeply ingrained, highly pedigreed institutions because of all their money from state and aid and and Ned. But there's nothing blocking them from also operating on U.S. soil.

USAID can provide money to international institutions or to NGOs for their work abroad, but then they turn around and now they have all this money. And they now are wealthy and powerful and deeply ingrained, highly pedigreed institutions because of all their money from state and aid and and Ned. But there's nothing blocking them from also operating on U.S. soil.

So, you know, give an example of like.

So, you know, give an example of like.

So, you know, give an example of like.

there's a you know this this for-profit private sector censorship mercenary firm called news guard and got a 750 000 pentagon contract to uh you know help the pentagon trace the information for fingerprints of russian mis and disinformation okay maybe there's a strategic interest in the pentagon uh mapping out pro-russia narratives uh in in regions around the world But NewsGuard targets U.S.