Prof. Miles Smith
๐ค SpeakerAppearances Over Time
Podcast Appearances
But I think that the answer is we're going to find out where the line is. Sort of just how Abraham Lincoln had to find out where the line was on war powers was for the president. I think we're going to find out. And that'll be probably a political engagement between the president, Congress, and the courts. And so the president is sort of figuring it out. He's probably trying to see what works.
But I think that the answer is we're going to find out where the line is. Sort of just how Abraham Lincoln had to find out where the line was on war powers was for the president. I think we're going to find out. And that'll be probably a political engagement between the president, Congress, and the courts. And so the president is sort of figuring it out. He's probably trying to see what works.
He's going to see what he can get stick and what can't. And so, you know, case law always develops. you know, for this idea of settled law, for example, Roe versus Wade was called settled law for a long time. And it turns out it's not settled. And so I think that things are going to change.
He's going to see what he can get stick and what can't. And so, you know, case law always develops. you know, for this idea of settled law, for example, Roe versus Wade was called settled law for a long time. And it turns out it's not settled. And so I think that things are going to change.
The president is going to maybe push what people might think of as the settled boundaries of settled law, but it's never quite as settled as we want to think. And so I think the president's sort of finding what's going to work, finding what the courts, the Congress, and he can make stick.
The president is going to maybe push what people might think of as the settled boundaries of settled law, but it's never quite as settled as we want to think. And so I think the president's sort of finding what's going to work, finding what the courts, the Congress, and he can make stick.
Yeah, thanks. I do a lot of in the intersection of Christians and how Christians in the United States' history have sort of understood the relationship of their faith and religion and government. I wrote a book called Religion and Republic, and it sort of shows that people think there's a lot more interaction between religion and government than people might have perceived historically.
Yeah, thanks. I do a lot of in the intersection of Christians and how Christians in the United States' history have sort of understood the relationship of their faith and religion and government. I wrote a book called Religion and Republic, and it sort of shows that people think there's a lot more interaction between religion and government than people might have perceived historically.
We're not a theocracy, but we are a very religious republic. and our republic has religious commitments throughout its institutional history. So that's a lot of what I do. I'm a Christian. I hope Christians will take their history and their government more seriously and take the American republic more seriously.
We're not a theocracy, but we are a very religious republic. and our republic has religious commitments throughout its institutional history. So that's a lot of what I do. I'm a Christian. I hope Christians will take their history and their government more seriously and take the American republic more seriously.
It's called Religion and Republic.
It's called Religion and Republic.
Yeah, well, I think that we always have these discussions on church and state, church and state. And my point is, I'm not really saying that we have a state church or that we should have state churches, but religion is part and parcel of our institutional life here in the United States. You can't really go very far. You can't throw a rock without hitting an institution with religious commitments.
Yeah, well, I think that we always have these discussions on church and state, church and state. And my point is, I'm not really saying that we have a state church or that we should have state churches, but religion is part and parcel of our institutional life here in the United States. You can't really go very far. You can't throw a rock without hitting an institution with religious commitments.
And the United States' Republican government guarantees the protection of those religious institutions. The government's not indifferent to it. The Constitution's not indifferent to the protection of religion. The government is our protector as religious people, and it protects religious institutions.
And the United States' Republican government guarantees the protection of those religious institutions. The government's not indifferent to it. The Constitution's not indifferent to the protection of religion. The government is our protector as religious people, and it protects religious institutions.
And so the Republic, the President, the Congress, and the courts, their job is not to tell us what our religion should be or shouldn't be, not to tell us what our beliefs should or shouldn't be. It's to protect us as we, Christians, declare what we think of as the truth of the gospel. And the gospel has both sort of very spiritual and political ramifications, too, in various ways.
And so the Republic, the President, the Congress, and the courts, their job is not to tell us what our religion should be or shouldn't be, not to tell us what our beliefs should or shouldn't be. It's to protect us as we, Christians, declare what we think of as the truth of the gospel. And the gospel has both sort of very spiritual and political ramifications, too, in various ways.
So it's the government's actually job to protect the church's right to say those things in public.
So it's the government's actually job to protect the church's right to say those things in public.