Professor Nicole Hemmer

Yeah, so the 1948 elections, especially in Congress, are really significant. You've got a very divided Democratic Party. And so the Democrats are really dividing between their southern wing. You have the Dixiecrats that kind of storm out of that convention. And so the Democratic Party is starting to come undone around some issues, especially around race in the aftermath of the war.

Yeah, so the 1948 elections, especially in Congress, are really significant. You've got a very divided Democratic Party. And so the Democrats are really dividing between their southern wing. You have the Dixiecrats that kind of storm out of that convention. And so the Democratic Party is starting to come undone around some issues, especially around race in the aftermath of the war.

The Republican Party is not that much more unified. It also has these disparate wings. You have these more conservative pulses that are critiquing this notion that the United States should be an active global leader. And I think that that's something that really kind of comes out. Gerald Ford is on the other side.

The Republican Party is not that much more unified. It also has these disparate wings. You have these more conservative pulses that are critiquing this notion that the United States should be an active global leader. And I think that that's something that really kind of comes out. Gerald Ford is on the other side.

The Republican Party is not that much more unified. It also has these disparate wings. You have these more conservative pulses that are critiquing this notion that the United States should be an active global leader. And I think that that's something that really kind of comes out. Gerald Ford is on the other side.

He's very much part of this more moderate Republican party that is emerging that will coalesce.

He's very much part of this more moderate Republican party that is emerging that will coalesce.

He's very much part of this more moderate Republican party that is emerging that will coalesce.

around Dwight Eisenhower in 52 and really gained strength that the United States could and should be a world leader and should not rescind from that global stage the way that many, this isolation impulse, both in the Republican Party and there's some in the Democratic Party, but there is an isolationist, more conservative impulse in the Republican Party that loses out in 48 and then again in 52.

around Dwight Eisenhower in 52 and really gained strength that the United States could and should be a world leader and should not rescind from that global stage the way that many, this isolation impulse, both in the Republican Party and there's some in the Democratic Party, but there is an isolationist, more conservative impulse in the Republican Party that loses out in 48 and then again in 52.

around Dwight Eisenhower in 52 and really gained strength that the United States could and should be a world leader and should not rescind from that global stage the way that many, this isolation impulse, both in the Republican Party and there's some in the Democratic Party, but there is an isolationist, more conservative impulse in the Republican Party that loses out in 48 and then again in 52.

Yeah, it really is the beginning of a partisan realignment where parties go from being more regionally. and kind of finding common ground economically to really becoming more ideologically different. And in 1948, they were not ideologically different. In fact, there were a lot of ideological differences within parties, a lot of regional divides, a lot of class divides as well.

Yeah, it really is the beginning of a partisan realignment where parties go from being more regionally. and kind of finding common ground economically to really becoming more ideologically different. And in 1948, they were not ideologically different. In fact, there were a lot of ideological differences within parties, a lot of regional divides, a lot of class divides as well.

Yeah, it really is the beginning of a partisan realignment where parties go from being more regionally. and kind of finding common ground economically to really becoming more ideologically different. And in 1948, they were not ideologically different. In fact, there were a lot of ideological differences within parties, a lot of regional divides, a lot of class divides as well.

And so you really do, it really is the beginning of the political realignment that you see particularly Bursting on the scene in the Republican Party in 64 and then very much on display in 1980. Right.

And so you really do, it really is the beginning of the political realignment that you see particularly Bursting on the scene in the Republican Party in 64 and then very much on display in 1980. Right.

And so you really do, it really is the beginning of the political realignment that you see particularly Bursting on the scene in the Republican Party in 64 and then very much on display in 1980. Right.

So Spiro Agnew was a favorite of the conservative wing of the Republican Party. At this time, they were growing. They had been at the forefront of how Barry Goldwater won the 64 nomination for the Republican Party. But if you recall in 64, Goldwater gets smoked and it's a landslide election for Lyndon Johnson. But nevertheless, conservatives are starting to gain ground.

So Spiro Agnew was a favorite of the conservative wing of the Republican Party. At this time, they were growing. They had been at the forefront of how Barry Goldwater won the 64 nomination for the Republican Party. But if you recall in 64, Goldwater gets smoked and it's a landslide election for Lyndon Johnson. But nevertheless, conservatives are starting to gain ground.

So Spiro Agnew was a favorite of the conservative wing of the Republican Party. At this time, they were growing. They had been at the forefront of how Barry Goldwater won the 64 nomination for the Republican Party. But if you recall in 64, Goldwater gets smoked and it's a landslide election for Lyndon Johnson. But nevertheless, conservatives are starting to gain ground.