Professor Nicole Hemmer

Absolutely. And, you know, Democrats had dominated Congress for quite some time at this moment. And this is something that in 72, if you look at the presidential map, all of the country except for Massachusetts and Washington, D.C., go for Richard Nixon. And that looks like a landslide. But the reality is that the Democratic Party was deeply divided on the presidential level.

They had over a dozen people that ran in an open primary system. It was a very new nominating system that year. And so the presidential process was very contested, fragmented and divided. However, at the state and at the national level in Congress, they still have a stronghold.

They had over a dozen people that ran in an open primary system. It was a very new nominating system that year. And so the presidential process was very contested, fragmented and divided. However, at the state and at the national level in Congress, they still have a stronghold.

They had over a dozen people that ran in an open primary system. It was a very new nominating system that year. And so the presidential process was very contested, fragmented and divided. However, at the state and at the national level in Congress, they still have a stronghold.

Yeah, and that's what's really interesting is because in the wake of the Kennedy assassination, there's a lot of attention to this question of succession and who has authority. But again, it hadn't actually been implemented until this. So it's the first time. So it's making constitutional history because it's the first time that they're following this new procedure.

Yeah, and that's what's really interesting is because in the wake of the Kennedy assassination, there's a lot of attention to this question of succession and who has authority. But again, it hadn't actually been implemented until this. So it's the first time. So it's making constitutional history because it's the first time that they're following this new procedure.

Yeah, and that's what's really interesting is because in the wake of the Kennedy assassination, there's a lot of attention to this question of succession and who has authority. But again, it hadn't actually been implemented until this. So it's the first time. So it's making constitutional history because it's the first time that they're following this new procedure.

which ultimately says that when there's a vacancy in the office of the vice president, the president shall nominate a vice president that will have to then be confirmed by the majority of both houses of Congress.

which ultimately says that when there's a vacancy in the office of the vice president, the president shall nominate a vice president that will have to then be confirmed by the majority of both houses of Congress.

which ultimately says that when there's a vacancy in the office of the vice president, the president shall nominate a vice president that will have to then be confirmed by the majority of both houses of Congress.

Well, again, I think it's important to remember that there was a sign that this was coming. There was a feeling that things were moving and that impeachment was very, very real. And that is the only reason that Nixon was willing to resign, because he understood that after in May, the House Judiciary Committee began debating articles of impeachment.

Well, again, I think it's important to remember that there was a sign that this was coming. There was a feeling that things were moving and that impeachment was very, very real. And that is the only reason that Nixon was willing to resign, because he understood that after in May, the House Judiciary Committee began debating articles of impeachment.

Well, again, I think it's important to remember that there was a sign that this was coming. There was a feeling that things were moving and that impeachment was very, very real. And that is the only reason that Nixon was willing to resign, because he understood that after in May, the House Judiciary Committee began debating articles of impeachment.

And then, of course, there is this legal debate over the tapes. And does Nixon have privilege over them? Are they his property? The Supreme Court weighs in on the tapes in July, and then it becomes very clear that this is going to be the hard evidence.

And then, of course, there is this legal debate over the tapes. And does Nixon have privilege over them? Are they his property? The Supreme Court weighs in on the tapes in July, and then it becomes very clear that this is going to be the hard evidence.

And then, of course, there is this legal debate over the tapes. And does Nixon have privilege over them? Are they his property? The Supreme Court weighs in on the tapes in July, and then it becomes very clear that this is going to be the hard evidence.

And then people in Senate, notably Barry Goldwater, one of, again, the leader of this conservative wing, the Republican Party, who had gotten behind Nixon, who, as he was embattled, felt that they found common ground. They argued that it's this liberal media that's out to get Nixon. And so they found this common ground.

And then people in Senate, notably Barry Goldwater, one of, again, the leader of this conservative wing, the Republican Party, who had gotten behind Nixon, who, as he was embattled, felt that they found common ground. They argued that it's this liberal media that's out to get Nixon. And so they found this common ground.

And then people in Senate, notably Barry Goldwater, one of, again, the leader of this conservative wing, the Republican Party, who had gotten behind Nixon, who, as he was embattled, felt that they found common ground. They argued that it's this liberal media that's out to get Nixon. And so they found this common ground.

And then Barry Goldwater, when the evidence of the tapes comes out, he feels that Nixon had lied to them. He felt very betrayed, as did many people across the ideological spectrum in the Republican Party. And so he walks very famously down Pennsylvania Avenue to the Oval Office and tells Nixon that he has lost the support of his most ardent supporters.