Quinta Jurecic

The particulars of Hungary's governmental structure were such that he was able to sort of sweep into power the second time around with overwhelming majority support. And immediately amend the Hungarian constitution, which was very easy to do because of the way that the system had been set up. To, you know, give himself all kinds of powers and really cement his party fetuses hold on power.

The particulars of Hungary's governmental structure were such that he was able to sort of sweep into power the second time around with overwhelming majority support. And immediately amend the Hungarian constitution, which was very easy to do because of the way that the system had been set up. To, you know, give himself all kinds of powers and really cement his party fetuses hold on power.

In the U.S., as you say, it's the opposite problem. The problem is that it's too hard to amend the Constitution. And I think that there's an argument made by, among other people, Stephen Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt, that part of the issue here is just the U.S. was kind of first out of the gate when it comes to written constitutions. We were, early on...

In the U.S., as you say, it's the opposite problem. The problem is that it's too hard to amend the Constitution. And I think that there's an argument made by, among other people, Stephen Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt, that part of the issue here is just the U.S. was kind of first out of the gate when it comes to written constitutions. We were, early on...

We didn't have the opportunity to learn from everybody else. And because of the way in which our Constitution was drafted, it is really, really hard to amend. And that means that there is a fundamental inflexibility to our political system in a way that is not true today. in many other places of the world, there are all kinds of examples of what you could do.

We didn't have the opportunity to learn from everybody else. And because of the way in which our Constitution was drafted, it is really, really hard to amend. And that means that there is a fundamental inflexibility to our political system in a way that is not true today. in many other places of the world, there are all kinds of examples of what you could do.

You could have multi-member districts in the House. You could have proportional representation. You could turn the Senate into kind of an advisory body. You could abolish the Senate altogether. My favorite ridiculous proposal is an incredible student note in the Harvard Law Review, I believe, that proposes not admitting D.C. as a state, but admitting every neighborhood in D.C. as a state.

You could have multi-member districts in the House. You could have proportional representation. You could turn the Senate into kind of an advisory body. You could abolish the Senate altogether. My favorite ridiculous proposal is an incredible student note in the Harvard Law Review, I believe, that proposes not admitting D.C. as a state, but admitting every neighborhood in D.C. as a state.

And then using that to amend the Constitution and change the composition of the Senate. So, you know, dream big. But there are all kinds of fixes that you can imagine. The problem is that because we don't actually have the political ability to amend the Constitution in that way... We can't make them. And so the question is, how long can we stay in this brittle system before something breaks?

And then using that to amend the Constitution and change the composition of the Senate. So, you know, dream big. But there are all kinds of fixes that you can imagine. The problem is that because we don't actually have the political ability to amend the Constitution in that way... We can't make them. And so the question is, how long can we stay in this brittle system before something breaks?

Or even if something breaks and whatever that looks like, what happens then?

Or even if something breaks and whatever that looks like, what happens then?

We're in the very early stages right now, and so I think it is a little difficult to tell. There was a lot of writing... After Trump's election, in the first days of the new administration, saying, you know, the resistance is over. No one's in the streets. No one's doing the women's march. No one's, you know, wearing their pussy hats or whatever. engaging in sort of ostentatious acts of defiance.

We're in the very early stages right now, and so I think it is a little difficult to tell. There was a lot of writing... After Trump's election, in the first days of the new administration, saying, you know, the resistance is over. No one's in the streets. No one's doing the women's march. No one's, you know, wearing their pussy hats or whatever. engaging in sort of ostentatious acts of defiance.

I thought that that was premature. I think it looks particularly premature now that we are seeing real public pushback. Like I said, it's a little hard to say. A lot of this is a kind of a, let's call it a vibes-based check, and I would really love to see some numbers. But there were huge protests in front of the Treasury Department in D.C., This week, there were protests in front of the Capitol.

I thought that that was premature. I think it looks particularly premature now that we are seeing real public pushback. Like I said, it's a little hard to say. A lot of this is a kind of a, let's call it a vibes-based check, and I would really love to see some numbers. But there were huge protests in front of the Treasury Department in D.C., This week, there were protests in front of the Capitol.

There were protests in front of the Labor Department. The Doge folks were supposed to have a meeting at the Labor Department in person one afternoon this week. It was moved to a Zoom meeting reportedly, possibly because there was a huge protest organized by a bunch of unions standing out front. That really matters.

There were protests in front of the Labor Department. The Doge folks were supposed to have a meeting at the Labor Department in person one afternoon this week. It was moved to a Zoom meeting reportedly, possibly because there was a huge protest organized by a bunch of unions standing out front. That really matters.

I believe I saw a statement from Lisa Murkowski saying that she's been getting 40 times the amount of calls to her office that she usually receives on any given day. We now have Brian Schatz saying that he is going to put a hold on all State Department nominees immediately. until USAID is put back.

I believe I saw a statement from Lisa Murkowski saying that she's been getting 40 times the amount of calls to her office that she usually receives on any given day. We now have Brian Schatz saying that he is going to put a hold on all State Department nominees immediately. until USAID is put back.