Quinta Jurecic

There were a number of proposals on the table that would have significantly restrained presidential power that had been put forward in response to some of the abuses of the first Trump administration. Not very many of them move forward. And a lot of the reason for that, I would argue, is that Democrats in Congress didn't want to go against a Democratic administration in restraining the executive.

There were a number of proposals on the table that would have significantly restrained presidential power that had been put forward in response to some of the abuses of the first Trump administration. Not very many of them move forward. And a lot of the reason for that, I would argue, is that Democrats in Congress didn't want to go against a Democratic administration in restraining the executive.

Now, to be clear, I think the dereliction of constitutional duty on the part of Republicans in this Congress and in the previous Trump administration is above and beyond that. And you see that in all kinds of ways, the sort of

Now, to be clear, I think the dereliction of constitutional duty on the part of Republicans in this Congress and in the previous Trump administration is above and beyond that. And you see that in all kinds of ways, the sort of

level of silence or, you know, token protests only as the Trump administration just tramples all over Congress's constitutional authority to decide how the executive should spend funds. Last night, Republicans voted to confirm Russ' vote as the head of the Office of Management and Budget.

level of silence or, you know, token protests only as the Trump administration just tramples all over Congress's constitutional authority to decide how the executive should spend funds. Last night, Republicans voted to confirm Russ' vote as the head of the Office of Management and Budget.

Vote is really the kind of intellectual architect of a lot of the ideas we've been discussing in terms of this really aggressive vision of executive power. The fact that Republicans voted to confirm someone who has explicitly said that the executive has the power to impound funds is an astonishing abdication of duty.

Vote is really the kind of intellectual architect of a lot of the ideas we've been discussing in terms of this really aggressive vision of executive power. The fact that Republicans voted to confirm someone who has explicitly said that the executive has the power to impound funds is an astonishing abdication of duty.

And there was an incredible quote, actually, from Susan Collins that I saw just before I came in here, where she essentially said, you know, I'm voting to confirm Russ' vote, and I hope that, you know, the litigation succeeds in showing that the executive does not have the ability to impound funds.

And there was an incredible quote, actually, from Susan Collins that I saw just before I came in here, where she essentially said, you know, I'm voting to confirm Russ' vote, and I hope that, you know, the litigation succeeds in showing that the executive does not have the ability to impound funds.

She's very concerned. But the thing about that that's astonishing is that she's concerned. She has the power to stop it. And she's saying, oh, actually, I hope that the courts can deal with that. And I think this is consistent with a broader kind of trend in how we think about the separation of powers, where people have really come to think of Congress as...

She's very concerned. But the thing about that that's astonishing is that she's concerned. She has the power to stop it. And she's saying, oh, actually, I hope that the courts can deal with that. And I think this is consistent with a broader kind of trend in how we think about the separation of powers, where people have really come to think of Congress as...

weak and as the courts, as the kind of strong institution that can provide a check here, to the extent that even the chair of the Appropriations Committee is saying that.

weak and as the courts, as the kind of strong institution that can provide a check here, to the extent that even the chair of the Appropriations Committee is saying that.

And so I think that there are a lot of different components to the sort of crisis that we're currently in, but the unwillingness of Congress as an institution to really step up and play its role in the constitutional order is one of the major issues that we are facing right now.

And so I think that there are a lot of different components to the sort of crisis that we're currently in, but the unwillingness of Congress as an institution to really step up and play its role in the constitutional order is one of the major issues that we are facing right now.

Americans often think of ourselves as exceptional. There's a whole term for it, American exceptionalism, as sort of, you know, outside of history, right? But we're not. And because of that, I think it's useful to compare what's happening now in the United States to other instances of democratic backsliding around the world.

Americans often think of ourselves as exceptional. There's a whole term for it, American exceptionalism, as sort of, you know, outside of history, right? But we're not. And because of that, I think it's useful to compare what's happening now in the United States to other instances of democratic backsliding around the world.

One comparison you often see is with Hungary under Prime Minister Viktor Orban, who has been very, very effective in dismantling Czechs and turning Hungary from a democracy into functionally an autocracy. An important area where that comparison, I think, actually breaks down and obscures more than it reveals is how Orban was able to do that.

One comparison you often see is with Hungary under Prime Minister Viktor Orban, who has been very, very effective in dismantling Czechs and turning Hungary from a democracy into functionally an autocracy. An important area where that comparison, I think, actually breaks down and obscures more than it reveals is how Orban was able to do that.