Rick Spence

The Bolshevist version, or let's just call it the Marxist version of Germany was going to be a class society in which we're going to have to have some kind of civil upheaval, which will have Germans fighting Germans.

The Bolshevist version, or let's just call it the Marxist version of Germany was going to be a class society in which we're going to have to have some kind of civil upheaval, which will have Germans fighting Germans.

The Bolshevist version, or let's just call it the Marxist version of Germany was going to be a class society in which we're going to have to have some kind of civil upheaval, which will have Germans fighting Germans.

Whereas the kind of mystical nationalism, the almost kind of religious nationalism that Zabotendor from the Thule Society had hitched its wagon to held that Germans are all part of a single racial family and that's what must be the most important thing. And that these can be different ways of trying to influence people. It comes down to a matter of political influence.

Whereas the kind of mystical nationalism, the almost kind of religious nationalism that Zabotendor from the Thule Society had hitched its wagon to held that Germans are all part of a single racial family and that's what must be the most important thing. And that these can be different ways of trying to influence people. It comes down to a matter of political influence.

Whereas the kind of mystical nationalism, the almost kind of religious nationalism that Zabotendor from the Thule Society had hitched its wagon to held that Germans are all part of a single racial family and that's what must be the most important thing. And that these can be different ways of trying to influence people. It comes down to a matter of political influence.

So in a sense, I think that what Sibotendorf and the Thule Society was trying to do, at least within Munich, was to use this idea of mystical nationalism as a potential rallying point for some part of the population to oppose these other forces, to keep people fighting. The war is lost, though, in November. The Kaiser abdicates, and essentially the socialists do take over in Germany.

So in a sense, I think that what Sibotendorf and the Thule Society was trying to do, at least within Munich, was to use this idea of mystical nationalism as a potential rallying point for some part of the population to oppose these other forces, to keep people fighting. The war is lost, though, in November. The Kaiser abdicates, and essentially the socialists do take over in Germany.

So in a sense, I think that what Sibotendorf and the Thule Society was trying to do, at least within Munich, was to use this idea of mystical nationalism as a potential rallying point for some part of the population to oppose these other forces, to keep people fighting. The war is lost, though, in November. The Kaiser abdicates, and essentially the socialists do take over in Germany.

things come very, very close to following the Russian model. And you even get the Russian version or take on the Bolsheviks, which are the Spartacists, who try and fail to seize power early on. But you do essentially end up with a socialist Germany. And that then leaves, in the aftermath of the war, the Thule Society is sort of the

things come very, very close to following the Russian model. And you even get the Russian version or take on the Bolsheviks, which are the Spartacists, who try and fail to seize power early on. But you do essentially end up with a socialist Germany. And that then leaves, in the aftermath of the war, the Thule Society is sort of the

things come very, very close to following the Russian model. And you even get the Russian version or take on the Bolsheviks, which are the Spartacists, who try and fail to seize power early on. But you do essentially end up with a socialist Germany. And that then leaves, in the aftermath of the war, the Thule Society is sort of the

the odd man out, although they're still very closely connected to the army. Now, here's one of the things that I find interesting. When you get into 1919, who is it that's paying Subotendorf's bills? It's the army. The one thing the German army is absolutely determined to do is to preserve its social position and power. And they're perfectly willing to dump the Kaiser to do that.

the odd man out, although they're still very closely connected to the army. Now, here's one of the things that I find interesting. When you get into 1919, who is it that's paying Subotendorf's bills? It's the army. The one thing the German army is absolutely determined to do is to preserve its social position and power. And they're perfectly willing to dump the Kaiser to do that.

the odd man out, although they're still very closely connected to the army. Now, here's one of the things that I find interesting. When you get into 1919, who is it that's paying Subotendorf's bills? It's the army. The one thing the German army is absolutely determined to do is to preserve its social position and power. And they're perfectly willing to dump the Kaiser to do that.

That's sort of this deal between which is made in November of 1918, Kaiser's abdication, the proclamation of a German Republic, which, you know, you just had this guy declare it. It wasn't really planned. There's the Ebert-Groner Pact. Groner is the chief of staff, general staff at this point. Friedrich Ebert is the chief socialist politician, basically, and they make an agreement.

That's sort of this deal between which is made in November of 1918, Kaiser's abdication, the proclamation of a German Republic, which, you know, you just had this guy declare it. It wasn't really planned. There's the Ebert-Groner Pact. Groner is the chief of staff, general staff at this point. Friedrich Ebert is the chief socialist politician, basically, and they make an agreement.

That's sort of this deal between which is made in November of 1918, Kaiser's abdication, the proclamation of a German Republic, which, you know, you just had this guy declare it. It wasn't really planned. There's the Ebert-Groner Pact. Groner is the chief of staff, general staff at this point. Friedrich Ebert is the chief socialist politician, basically, and they make an agreement.

And the agreement basically is that the army will support Ebert's government. if Ebert supports the army. And particularly that means the continuation of the officer corps and the general staff in one form or another. So a deal is made. And that, of course, is what will eventually help defeat the Spartacist uprising.

And the agreement basically is that the army will support Ebert's government. if Ebert supports the army. And particularly that means the continuation of the officer corps and the general staff in one form or another. So a deal is made. And that, of course, is what will eventually help defeat the Spartacist uprising.