Rob Paston

My argument would be, and let's not get bogged down in it, my argument would simply be that tax cut, the second one, not the first one, but the second one was too risky given the state of the public finances.

Because that's my only point.

We're not going to agree on this particular tax cut, but let's just get into some of the individual policies.

So can I ask you about this?

Because one of the things I really like about the book is you –

look around the world at what works in different countries.

And, you know, you even praise systems in countries that, you know, many of your Tory colleagues would never do.

So France, for example, you say they've got quite a lot right in France when it comes to planning and building.

Now, one of the things that's really interesting about France, which you point out, is that if there's a development in a commune, some sort of area, local area,

The gain in terms of increased taxes as a result of the development flow to the local government.

They don't flow to the centre.

Whereas here, there is no incentive for a local authority or a mayor who...

to build because almost all the revenue gain that's going to come from that is going to go to Westminster.

You were in the Treasury, right?

I mean, we would love to see those sorts of powers transferred to mayors and local authorities so that they have an incentive to really develop their area and actually say to people who are complaining locally, look,

We're going to get all this money in and we're going to compensate you in other ways with better services because we're just going to be more vibrant.

But is it remotely realistic that any chancellor is going to give away that tax raising ability?

Would you?

Yeah.

And it's also, it's not just houses.