Ron Brownstein

The problem with that line of argument, even in the Democratic Party, is that even if you believe that voters were not making decisions based on these cultural issues, the cultural issues still had an economic impact because at the least, at the least, it is, I think, indisputable.

And I think widely accepted across the Democratic Party that the way Trump used cultural issues sent the message to just kind of a wide swath of voters living paycheck to paycheck that Harris and Democrats care more about various, you know, kind of small groups with specific problems than they do about you. You know, she's for they, them. Right.

And I think widely accepted across the Democratic Party that the way Trump used cultural issues sent the message to just kind of a wide swath of voters living paycheck to paycheck that Harris and Democrats care more about various, you know, kind of small groups with specific problems than they do about you. You know, she's for they, them. Right.

And I think widely accepted across the Democratic Party that the way Trump used cultural issues sent the message to just kind of a wide swath of voters living paycheck to paycheck that Harris and Democrats care more about various, you know, kind of small groups with specific problems than they do about you. You know, she's for they, them. Right.

So like whether or not you think I think I have this right in the vote cast, most voters opposed banning gender affirming care for minors. OK, most of them opposed it. But a lot of them who.

So like whether or not you think I think I have this right in the vote cast, most voters opposed banning gender affirming care for minors. OK, most of them opposed it. But a lot of them who.

So like whether or not you think I think I have this right in the vote cast, most voters opposed banning gender affirming care for minors. OK, most of them opposed it. But a lot of them who.

Yes. And but a lot of them who opposed the ban voted for Trump anyway, in the same pattern that I'm talking about. And where this hurt Harris, I think unquestionably, like where there's no doubt this hurt Harris is the sense that her priorities were askew. that Democrats were not really worried.

Yes. And but a lot of them who opposed the ban voted for Trump anyway, in the same pattern that I'm talking about. And where this hurt Harris, I think unquestionably, like where there's no doubt this hurt Harris is the sense that her priorities were askew. that Democrats were not really worried.

Yes. And but a lot of them who opposed the ban voted for Trump anyway, in the same pattern that I'm talking about. And where this hurt Harris, I think unquestionably, like where there's no doubt this hurt Harris is the sense that her priorities were askew. that Democrats were not really worried.

They were more worried about undocumented immigrants in New York and criminals rights and transgender teens than they were about me putting food on the table. And I suppose there will be a fight about this, but I suspect the nominee in 28, the governors will have a leg up. And I think any governor who might be nominated will pursue a more centrist overall cultural message.

They were more worried about undocumented immigrants in New York and criminals rights and transgender teens than they were about me putting food on the table. And I suppose there will be a fight about this, but I suspect the nominee in 28, the governors will have a leg up. And I think any governor who might be nominated will pursue a more centrist overall cultural message.

They were more worried about undocumented immigrants in New York and criminals rights and transgender teens than they were about me putting food on the table. And I suppose there will be a fight about this, but I suspect the nominee in 28, the governors will have a leg up. And I think any governor who might be nominated will pursue a more centrist overall cultural message.

And I do think that, look, the kind of consulting class doesn't always get its way, and they shouldn't. But if the consulting class did get its way, there is as close to 100% unanimity as I think you can find.

And I do think that, look, the kind of consulting class doesn't always get its way, and they shouldn't. But if the consulting class did get its way, there is as close to 100% unanimity as I think you can find.

And I do think that, look, the kind of consulting class doesn't always get its way, and they shouldn't. But if the consulting class did get its way, there is as close to 100% unanimity as I think you can find.

that Democrats have to avoid taking the bait on all of the cultural fights Trump provokes and really try to center their messaging over the next two years on the core argument that he promised to solve your problems, but all he's really doing is enriching further his rich buddies. Like, that's what they want the next two years to be about.

that Democrats have to avoid taking the bait on all of the cultural fights Trump provokes and really try to center their messaging over the next two years on the core argument that he promised to solve your problems, but all he's really doing is enriching further his rich buddies. Like, that's what they want the next two years to be about.

that Democrats have to avoid taking the bait on all of the cultural fights Trump provokes and really try to center their messaging over the next two years on the core argument that he promised to solve your problems, but all he's really doing is enriching further his rich buddies. Like, that's what they want the next two years to be about.

Trump will certainly give them a lot of ammunition to make that argument, but, you know, again, not... getting drawn into these culture battles. And look, some of them may be unavoidable. I mean, if he takes mass deportation to the level that he's talking about, it's kind of unavoidable to display some resistance to that. But I do think coming out of this election