Shumita Basu

There's a law in place to prevent presidential impoundment. Back in the 70s, under Nixon, Congress passed an Impoundment Control Act. President Bill Clinton tried to amend it in the 90s by introducing line-item veto power, which allowed him to reject specific parts of a bill without having to veto the whole thing.

There's a law in place to prevent presidential impoundment. Back in the 70s, under Nixon, Congress passed an Impoundment Control Act. President Bill Clinton tried to amend it in the 90s by introducing line-item veto power, which allowed him to reject specific parts of a bill without having to veto the whole thing.

That law had broad bipartisan support, but the Supreme Court struck it down after just two years, ruling that it was unconstitutional. However, if the issue of presidential impoundment ends up back in front of the highest court during this administration, Cardori told me Trump might find this court to be much more open to the idea.

That law had broad bipartisan support, but the Supreme Court struck it down after just two years, ruling that it was unconstitutional. However, if the issue of presidential impoundment ends up back in front of the highest court during this administration, Cardori told me Trump might find this court to be much more open to the idea.

That law had broad bipartisan support, but the Supreme Court struck it down after just two years, ruling that it was unconstitutional. However, if the issue of presidential impoundment ends up back in front of the highest court during this administration, Cardori told me Trump might find this court to be much more open to the idea.

Kadori says changing how our government decides to spend its funds has broad implications, ones that will carry over into future administrations.

Kadori says changing how our government decides to spend its funds has broad implications, ones that will carry over into future administrations.

Kadori says changing how our government decides to spend its funds has broad implications, ones that will carry over into future administrations.

To hear our full conversation, stick around after today's show. If you're listening in the News app, that episode of Apple News in Conversation will be queued up to play for you next. Yesterday, the Senate voted to confirm Kash Patel as FBI director.

To hear our full conversation, stick around after today's show. If you're listening in the News app, that episode of Apple News in Conversation will be queued up to play for you next. Yesterday, the Senate voted to confirm Kash Patel as FBI director.

To hear our full conversation, stick around after today's show. If you're listening in the News app, that episode of Apple News in Conversation will be queued up to play for you next. Yesterday, the Senate voted to confirm Kash Patel as FBI director.

That means up until this point, all of Trump's nominees have been confirmed, most with relative ease, despite some facing questions about their character or lack of experience, which speaks both to the numerical advantage Republicans have in the Senate and their eagerness to appease President Trump. But one nominee is getting more pushback from Republicans than others.

That means up until this point, all of Trump's nominees have been confirmed, most with relative ease, despite some facing questions about their character or lack of experience, which speaks both to the numerical advantage Republicans have in the Senate and their eagerness to appease President Trump. But one nominee is getting more pushback from Republicans than others.

That means up until this point, all of Trump's nominees have been confirmed, most with relative ease, despite some facing questions about their character or lack of experience, which speaks both to the numerical advantage Republicans have in the Senate and their eagerness to appease President Trump. But one nominee is getting more pushback from Republicans than others.

Former Representative Lori Chavez de Riemer, a Republican who served for one term in the House. When Trump nominated her for labor secretary, some Democrats were pleasantly surprised because in Congress, she was a co-sponsor of a piece of legislation called the PRO Act, a sweeping labor bill that aimed to strengthen collective bargaining rights.

Former Representative Lori Chavez de Riemer, a Republican who served for one term in the House. When Trump nominated her for labor secretary, some Democrats were pleasantly surprised because in Congress, she was a co-sponsor of a piece of legislation called the PRO Act, a sweeping labor bill that aimed to strengthen collective bargaining rights.

Former Representative Lori Chavez de Riemer, a Republican who served for one term in the House. When Trump nominated her for labor secretary, some Democrats were pleasantly surprised because in Congress, she was a co-sponsor of a piece of legislation called the PRO Act, a sweeping labor bill that aimed to strengthen collective bargaining rights.

She was one of just a few Republicans to back the bill. A number of unions were excited about her nomination, too, including Teamster President Sean O'Brien, because Chavez de Riemer's father was a Teamster himself. In her hearing on Wednesday, she was asked how she feels about the PRO Act now.

She was one of just a few Republicans to back the bill. A number of unions were excited about her nomination, too, including Teamster President Sean O'Brien, because Chavez de Riemer's father was a Teamster himself. In her hearing on Wednesday, she was asked how she feels about the PRO Act now.

She was one of just a few Republicans to back the bill. A number of unions were excited about her nomination, too, including Teamster President Sean O'Brien, because Chavez de Riemer's father was a Teamster himself. In her hearing on Wednesday, she was asked how she feels about the PRO Act now.