Simon Vance

and that we have the infrastructure to do that allows us to deport large numbers of illegal aliens when large numbers of illegal aliens come into the country. That, to me, is real success. But I think whether we're able to get there is a function, of course, of our efforts, but also of the courts themselves.

and that we have the infrastructure to do that allows us to deport large numbers of illegal aliens when large numbers of illegal aliens come into the country. That, to me, is real success. But I think whether we're able to get there is a function, of course, of our efforts, but also of the courts themselves.

There's a third track, too, which is using existing legal authorities that haven't been used in the past but we think are there.

There's a third track, too, which is using existing legal authorities that haven't been used in the past but we think are there.

No, it's not that 5 million are engaged in like military conflict, but that the, I take issue that it's an aggressive interpretation. So let me back up and take some issue with the premise. I don't think that the supposition, if you look at the history and the context of those laws, is that for something to be an invasion, you have to have like 5 million uniformed combatants.

No, it's not that 5 million are engaged in like military conflict, but that the, I take issue that it's an aggressive interpretation. So let me back up and take some issue with the premise. I don't think that the supposition, if you look at the history and the context of those laws, is that for something to be an invasion, you have to have like 5 million uniformed combatants.

Yes, we don't have 5 million uniformed combatants. But Ross, I mean, this is where I think, and I have to be careful here, because some of this information, of course, is classified, but I think I ought to put this point. I think that the courts need to be somewhat deferential.

Yes, we don't have 5 million uniformed combatants. But Ross, I mean, this is where I think, and I have to be careful here, because some of this information, of course, is classified, but I think I ought to put this point. I think that the courts need to be somewhat deferential.

In fact, I think the design is that they should be extremely deferential to these questions of political judgment made by the people's elected president of the United States. Because when you say, well, there aren't 5 million people who are waging war, okay, but are there thousands, maybe tens of thousands of people?

In fact, I think the design is that they should be extremely deferential to these questions of political judgment made by the people's elected president of the United States. Because when you say, well, there aren't 5 million people who are waging war, okay, but are there thousands, maybe tens of thousands of people?

And then when you take their extended family, their networks, is it much larger than that who are quite dangerous people? who I think very intentionally came to the United States to cause violence or to at least profit from violence, and they're fine if violence is an incidental effect of it. Yeah, I do, man.

And then when you take their extended family, their networks, is it much larger than that who are quite dangerous people? who I think very intentionally came to the United States to cause violence or to at least profit from violence, and they're fine if violence is an incidental effect of it. Yeah, I do, man.

And I think the people underappreciate the level of public safety stress that we're under. When the president talks about how bad crime is, you know, the one thing I'd love for the American media to do a little bit more is really go

And I think the people underappreciate the level of public safety stress that we're under. When the president talks about how bad crime is, you know, the one thing I'd love for the American media to do a little bit more is really go

to a migrant community where you have, say, 60% legal immigrants and 40% illegal immigrants, the level of chaos, the level of violence, the level of, I think, truly pre-modern brutality that some of these communities have gotten used to Whatever law was written, I think it vests us with the power to take very serious action against this. It's bad. It's bad. It's worse than people appreciate.

to a migrant community where you have, say, 60% legal immigrants and 40% illegal immigrants, the level of chaos, the level of violence, the level of, I think, truly pre-modern brutality that some of these communities have gotten used to Whatever law was written, I think it vests us with the power to take very serious action against this. It's bad. It's bad. It's worse than people appreciate.

And it's not – Donald Trump – I know most of your listeners probably hate the president I serve under and probably hate me. Maybe not your listeners, but a lot of New York Times readers.

And it's not – Donald Trump – I know most of your listeners probably hate the president I serve under and probably hate me. Maybe not your listeners, but a lot of New York Times readers.

I would just ask them, like, do not filter this through the, I see President Trump and Vice President Vance up there, and I sort of immediately assume that they're lying to me and that they're motivated by some bad value. This is not sustainable. And it's not just sustainable, like, oh, this is more immigrants than we used to have. This is a level of...

I would just ask them, like, do not filter this through the, I see President Trump and Vice President Vance up there, and I sort of immediately assume that they're lying to me and that they're motivated by some bad value. This is not sustainable. And it's not just sustainable, like, oh, this is more immigrants than we used to have. This is a level of...