Steven Bonnell (Destiny)

It needs part of Sinai.

It needs part of Sinai.

It needs part of Sinai.

I think that the issue is when you apply international law or international standards, I wouldn't say what Benny Moore says that they're irrelevant. But I think that these have to be seen as informing the conversation. I don't think these are the final shape of the conversation.

I think that the issue is when you apply international law or international standards, I wouldn't say what Benny Moore says that they're irrelevant. But I think that these have to be seen as informing the conversation. I don't think these are the final shape of the conversation.

I think that the issue is when you apply international law or international standards, I wouldn't say what Benny Moore says that they're irrelevant. But I think that these have to be seen as informing the conversation. I don't think these are the final shape of the conversation.

I don't think historically Israel has ever negotiated within the strict bounds of whether we're talking Resolution 242, whether we're talking about any general assembly resolutions. That's just not how these negotiations tend to go.

I don't think historically Israel has ever negotiated within the strict bounds of whether we're talking Resolution 242, whether we're talking about any general assembly resolutions. That's just not how these negotiations tend to go.

I don't think historically Israel has ever negotiated within the strict bounds of whether we're talking Resolution 242, whether we're talking about any general assembly resolutions. That's just not how these negotiations tend to go.

You might consider international opinion on things, but at the end of the day, it's the bilateral negotiations, oftentimes historically started in secret, independent of the international community, that end up shaping what the final agreements look like.

You might consider international opinion on things, but at the end of the day, it's the bilateral negotiations, oftentimes historically started in secret, independent of the international community, that end up shaping what the final agreements look like.

You might consider international opinion on things, but at the end of the day, it's the bilateral negotiations, oftentimes historically started in secret, independent of the international community, that end up shaping what the final agreements look like.

I think the issue with this broad appeal to international law is, again, going back to my earlier point about all of the euphemistic words, all it simply does is drive Palestinian expectations up to a level that is never going to be satisfied. For instance, you can throw that ICJ opinion all you want. It was an advisory opinion. That came in 2004.

I think the issue with this broad appeal to international law is, again, going back to my earlier point about all of the euphemistic words, all it simply does is drive Palestinian expectations up to a level that is never going to be satisfied. For instance, you can throw that ICJ opinion all you want. It was an advisory opinion. That came in 2004.

I think the issue with this broad appeal to international law is, again, going back to my earlier point about all of the euphemistic words, all it simply does is drive Palestinian expectations up to a level that is never going to be satisfied. For instance, you can throw that ICJ opinion all you want. It was an advisory opinion. That came in 2004.

Have Palestinians gained more or less land since that 2004 advisory opinion was issued?

Have Palestinians gained more or less land since that 2004 advisory opinion was issued?

Have Palestinians gained more or less land since that 2004 advisory opinion was issued?

Both sides have to have a delegation that confronts each other and they assess the realistic conditions on the ground and they try to figure out within the confines of international law and what both sides are reasonable for. But like, for instance, this statement of like full retreat from the West Bank, what is it, 400,000 settlers? How many settlers live in the West Bank now?

Both sides have to have a delegation that confronts each other and they assess the realistic conditions on the ground and they try to figure out within the confines of international law and what both sides are reasonable for. But like, for instance, this statement of like full retreat from the West Bank, what is it, 400,000 settlers? How many settlers live in the West Bank now?