Winston Marshall

on Twitter a week or two ago because there was an argument he had with Fraser Nelson where he argued that Rishi Sunak, our former prime minister, might indeed be British, but that he, as a brown Hindu, was not English. Now, that erupted where he was smeared by left-wingers, you know, the classic types, saying that he was arguing for ethno-nationalism, which he was absolutely not.

But even within the right, there was no consensus on what that is. Now, I'll just tie it back to my thesis about open society. In 1944, there was a writer called Hans Pohn who... It was similar to Karl Popper, that there's a... They're thinking, how do we separate the good and the bad here about what a national identity is?

But even within the right, there was no consensus on what that is. Now, I'll just tie it back to my thesis about open society. In 1944, there was a writer called Hans Pohn who... It was similar to Karl Popper, that there's a... They're thinking, how do we separate the good and the bad here about what a national identity is?

But even within the right, there was no consensus on what that is. Now, I'll just tie it back to my thesis about open society. In 1944, there was a writer called Hans Pohn who... It was similar to Karl Popper, that there's a... They're thinking, how do we separate the good and the bad here about what a national identity is?

And he didn't coin the phrase civic nationalism, but his thesis basically was what would become civic nationalism, which is civic nationalism, good, is... democracy, I guess, geographic sovereignty or lands, you know, sovereignty, and a sort of civic duty.

And he didn't coin the phrase civic nationalism, but his thesis basically was what would become civic nationalism, which is civic nationalism, good, is... democracy, I guess, geographic sovereignty or lands, you know, sovereignty, and a sort of civic duty.

And he didn't coin the phrase civic nationalism, but his thesis basically was what would become civic nationalism, which is civic nationalism, good, is... democracy, I guess, geographic sovereignty or lands, you know, sovereignty, and a sort of civic duty.

And then on the other side, they have ethnicity, which we probably all, it's different from country to country, but we all agree that it's a bad idea to say just ethnicity is on the other side of, it's the ethno-nationalism. But they also lumped in culture. So they put the cultural side in the ethno bucket. So you have this growth now.

And then on the other side, they have ethnicity, which we probably all, it's different from country to country, but we all agree that it's a bad idea to say just ethnicity is on the other side of, it's the ethno-nationalism. But they also lumped in culture. So they put the cultural side in the ethno bucket. So you have this growth now.

And then on the other side, they have ethnicity, which we probably all, it's different from country to country, but we all agree that it's a bad idea to say just ethnicity is on the other side of, it's the ethno-nationalism. But they also lumped in culture. So they put the cultural side in the ethno bucket. So you have this growth now.

So people, fast forward 80 years and you have diversity as our greatest strength, when actually I happen to believe unity is our greatest strength, or rather I should say diversity without unity it all kind of crumbles apart.

So people, fast forward 80 years and you have diversity as our greatest strength, when actually I happen to believe unity is our greatest strength, or rather I should say diversity without unity it all kind of crumbles apart.

So people, fast forward 80 years and you have diversity as our greatest strength, when actually I happen to believe unity is our greatest strength, or rather I should say diversity without unity it all kind of crumbles apart.

Well, they did that as a reaction to the Holocaust. Yes, yes. And to the war. To the war. And that's, by the way, what we're seeing crumbling now. That's why when people are so upset about J.D. Vance's speech in Munich,

Well, they did that as a reaction to the Holocaust. Yes, yes. And to the war. To the war. And that's, by the way, what we're seeing crumbling now. That's why when people are so upset about J.D. Vance's speech in Munich,

Well, they did that as a reaction to the Holocaust. Yes, yes. And to the war. To the war. And that's, by the way, what we're seeing crumbling now. That's why when people are so upset about J.D. Vance's speech in Munich,

It's because they can't... Anything that goes against the open society ideology, they have this dichotomy, which is a false dichotomy, which means that if you're against that, you must be for the Holocaust. Right, you must be a fascist. You must be a fascist. That's why they use the term fascism, because they actually can't code it any other way. They don't even know they have this ideology.

It's because they can't... Anything that goes against the open society ideology, they have this dichotomy, which is a false dichotomy, which means that if you're against that, you must be for the Holocaust. Right, you must be a fascist. You must be a fascist. That's why they use the term fascism, because they actually can't code it any other way. They don't even know they have this ideology.

It's because they can't... Anything that goes against the open society ideology, they have this dichotomy, which is a false dichotomy, which means that if you're against that, you must be for the Holocaust. Right, you must be a fascist. You must be a fascist. That's why they use the term fascism, because they actually can't code it any other way. They don't even know they have this ideology.

They've been swimming in it for so long.