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Fresh Air

Could the Iran war lead to WWIII?

17 Mar 2026

Transcription

Chapter 1: What is the main topic discussed in this episode?

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From WQXR and Carnegie Hall comes Classical Music Happy Hour, a new podcast hosted by me, Pianist Maniacs. Each episode, we'll speak with a special guest, listen to musical gems, play music-inspired games, and answer questions from our listeners. The first episode drops March 4th. Listen on the NPR app. This is Fresh Air. I'm Terry Gross.

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Iran's new supreme leader, Morshneba Khamenei, is the son of the former supreme leader, Ayatollah Khamenei, who was killed in an Israeli attack at the start of the war. How does Morshneba compare with his father, and what kind of leader might he be? Before the war, the Ayatollah's regime massacred thousands of protesters.

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President Trump sent the protesters this message, when we're finished, take over your government. It will be yours to take. But has this war helped the protesters? And are we on the verge of World War III? Those are some of the questions my guest Kareem Sajapur will address. He's one of America's leading experts on Iran.

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He's a senior fellow at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, where he focuses on Iran and U.S. foreign policy toward the Middle East. He's also an adjunct professor at Georgetown University and a contributing writer at The Atlantic. His parents are Iranian, but he was born and raised in the U.S. We recorded our interview yesterday.

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This morning, we learned that an Israeli attack killed Ali Larajani, the head of Iran's Supreme National Security Council. He was close with Ayatollah Khamenei and was expected to be a close advisor to Mujtaba. This morning we asked Kareem Sajapur about the significance of Larijani's death. He says, quote, Larijani was one of Iran's most powerful men, a ruthless pragmatist.

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After the Ayatollah's death, Larijani was one of the men running the country.

Chapter 2: What historical context is provided for the Iran conflict?

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Here's our interview. Karim Sajjadpour, welcome back to Fresh Air. So the official successor to the Ayatollah is his son, Mashdaba. He hasn't been seen by the public. We don't know what his injuries are. Do we know if he's the one who's even running the country, even though he was voted by the council who does the official voting to be the successor? Well, it's great to be with you, Terry.

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And the honest answer is that the inner functionings of the Iranian regime are right now for us a black box. It's inaccessible to us. On paper, Mojtaba Khamenei is the most powerful man in the country.

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Chapter 3: How does the leadership of Morshneba Khamenei compare to his father?

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But I think in practice, really, it's the Revolutionary Guards and the military who are the power behind his throne. He's inherited an incredibly difficult position in that He's been injured. The missile strike that killed his father and his mother and his wife injured him. He was reportedly in an adjacent room.

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What I've heard from sources inside Tehran is those injuries are not life-threatening, but he has been injured. He's obviously got to be in enormous emotional distress, given that he's lost many members of his family. And the Israelis are actively trying to kill him. So he's probably in hiding underground somewhere.

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And he's not someone who has really any experience in senior leadership roles, even though he operated in the shadows. He was his father's right hand for many years. He's never formally held a senior position. The Iranian public doesn't know him. His image, his voice are not familiar to people.

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And so he's inherited this incredibly difficult position in that he's now meant to rule a country which I would argue overwhelmingly dislikes him in the regime. And he's fighting a war against the greatest superpower in the world, the United States, and against the greatest military power in the Middle East, Israel.

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So you said that the Revolutionary Guard and the military right now are running the country. Are they all on the same page? So the Revolutionary Guards are approximately 150,000 men. And so they're not a monolith and you have internal views amongst them. But the senior commanders of the Revolutionary Guards were all handpicked by Ayatollah Khamenei, who ruled Iran for 37 years.

Chapter 4: What factors contribute to the likelihood of World War III?

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And so they, by and large, are individuals who are loyal to what I call Vision 1979, the principles of the 1979 revolution, chief among them being antipathy toward America and Israel and this ideology of resistance. And what the regime decided to do before it was attacked was essentially to decentralized their military structure.

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Instead of having one general in Tehran who's commanding orders to everyone, they have essentially 31 different units that are, as far as we can see, operating somewhat independently from one another. It's like 31 legs of an octopus. And for that reason, you've seen an Iranian retaliatory strategy that has really been all over the place. Because there's no central commander.

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But do they agree on the basic principles of upholding what the father, the Ayatollah Khamenei, stood for? Absolutely. On that point, they all have seemingly closed ranks around... Obviously, number one, paramount for any dictatorship is regime survival. And two is this belief that we're not going to abandon our principles.

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We're going to uphold our principles of defiance against America and Israel. And up until now, Terry, I think they believe that their strategy has been effective in that they've been able to spike the price of oil And they've been able to negatively impact popular opinion in the United States. We see from polling that perhaps three out of four Americans oppose this war.

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And they're hoping that President Trump is going to be restrained by popular opinion in the United States and be forced to abruptly end the war. So if Israel succeeds in assassinating Mojtaba, the son of the Ayatollah, who's next in line, do you know? So I'd first start off by saying that I don't think this is a one assassination regime. Even if they manage to kill Mojtaba Khamenei, which...

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Israel has really penetrated the inner workings of the Iranian regime. And so it is well possible that they do succeed in killing him. I suspect if they were able to do that, there will be another senior cleric with a very similar background. worldview to Mujtaba Khamenei. There's different individuals who have been mentioned. There's one guy called Ejei. There's another guy called Adrafi.

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They, I would say, all kind of will broadly support the principles of 1979, Vision 1979. And whoever would potentially succeed Moshe Taba Khamenei would likewise, in my view, be really controlled by the military, at least early on. Yeah, and 1979 was, of course, the year of the Iranian revolution. That's right. So Trump has said that Moshe Taba might already be dead.

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Is that speculation or did he have some kind of grounding on that? Well, obviously, the president sees intelligence that I'm not privy to. What I've been told from people inside the country who some of them know Moshe Taba Khamenei is that he's alive. The injuries that he suffered were not life-threatening. But, you know, that could also be incorrect information. We don't know.

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And part of the reason why we don't know is that the Iranians haven't given any concrete evidence that he's alive. Moshe Taba Khamenei gave his first message, his first speech as Supreme Leader, but it was read on official state television. He didn't deliver that speech. What someone told me is that he's not someone who's capable of public speaking.

Chapter 5: What are the four main priorities for U.S. policy towards Iran?

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Those countries are really trying to socially reform. The UAE, for anyone who's been there, is socially a pretty free place. Saudi Arabia, Mohammed bin Salman is trying to lead a social revolution. Whereas The Islamic Republic of Iran is anchored in social repression. In the regional context, they also have very different visions.

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Iran is a country which had been dominating five Arab lands, Syria, Lebanon, Iraq, Yemen, and Gaza. What did all those five places have in common? They were all essentially five failing states. And Iran's ideology, the Islamic Republic's ideology thrives when there are power vacuums and state failures, and it can fill those vacuums with its militias like Lebanese Hezbollah.

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Whereas the Gulf countries, they need stability. You know, they are trying to become international hubs for tourism, for transportation, for technology. And you can't have that if there are constant wars or insecurity or, you know, your airports are being threatened. And so these countries have very different visions for their future. And the Iranian public has no interest in Vision 1979 anymore.

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It's a population, the vast majority of whom were born after the 1979 revolution, You know, my line about them is they want to be South Korea, not North Korea. And Moshe Bachman, his vision is for a Shiite North Korea. And I just don't think there's many, many takers for what he's selling.

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And everything you mentioned about the strengths of the Gulf countries who are modernizing, those are the things that Iran is attacking. The hotels, tourism, modernity itself, like the airports. So Iran's strategy seems pretty smart, like horrible, destructive. But for Iran itself, for its survival, it seems like a smart strategy, including...

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Not allowing ships into the Strait of Hormuz and threatening to shut down the Red Sea. You know, Terry, I did a Fulbright scholarship in Beirut two decades ago.

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And one of my biggest takeaways from that year in Beirut, a country which Lebanon has suffered from terrible civil war, Beirut, which once used to be the Dubai of the Middle East, is that it takes decades to build places and it takes weeks to destroy places. And those countries have spent decades

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decades and trillions of dollars trying to become, as I said, hubs for artificial intelligence, transportation, media, entertainment. And they recognize that the Islamic Republic of Iran can come by with its missiles and pretty cheap drones and destroy what they've sought to build. And you see that economic asymmetry in their attacks on the global economy as well.

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So in the Strait of Hormuz, which On any given day, 20% of the world's oil passes through that corridor. And in the Persian Gulf, a lot of the world's natural gas, a lot of the world's fertilizer passes through that. And these are $100 million tankers filled with hundreds of millions of dollars in cargo. And Iran has been shutting down the strait and harassing these ships with $20,000 drones.

Chapter 6: How has the Iranian regime's structure changed after the Ayatollah's death?

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So I'm not concerned that this will deteriorate into a World War III. But you are correct that this has just set a very dangerous precedent. And I don't think that the world or, you know, especially the Middle East, is going to feel like a stable place for the foreseeable future. I spoke to a senior leader in the United Arab Emirates recently.

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He said, we're a country which has been changed forever. And they realize, as I said, how fragile what they've built is. And I don't think any of those countries are going to sleep well at night so long as this current Iranian regime is in power. One of the goals, I think the primary goal that Trump initially stated for attacking Iran was to get Iran to give up all of its nuclear material.

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They said in negotiations they were willing to compromise and give up, you know, any aspiration for a nuclear weapon. And the only thing they really wanted to hold on to was uranium enriched enough for medical purposes, which... isn't usable for nuclear weapon. That doesn't mean they were being truthful about it, but it's what they said. And Trump wanted a complete, no, you can't even have that.

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You have to give up everything. And now that we're really at war with Iran, what's the likelihood that they would give that all up? And what's the likelihood we could attack it? We've already attacked Iran. the main places where it's buried, we'd have to like go in and take out the nuclear material, which is like really dangerous and really complicated.

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So are we in worse shape now than we were before? We're in a predicament, and I think that there really are four main priorities when it comes to our potential negotiations with Iran. One is obviously nuclear and that highly enriched uranium, which is ostensibly under rubble now after the bombings of last June.

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that needs to be accounted for because if Iran gets its hands on that uranium, highly enriched uranium, and tries to convert that into fuel for a nuclear weapon. Now, my sense is that Given how penetrated their system is, it would be very difficult for them to make a mad dash for a nuclear weapon. But it's something which needs to be addressed. It can't be neglected.

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You know, second point now are their missiles and drones. And again, speaking to officials in the Persian Gulf, they say, you know, before all of this, we would have been happy with just a nuclear deal. But now no longer.

Chapter 7: What role do Iran's military and Revolutionary Guards play in the conflict?

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We need a deal which also addresses their use of missiles and drones. A third issue are their proxies, their support for groups like Hezbollah in Lebanon, the Houthis in Yemen. the Iraqi Shiite militias. Now, these proxies have been degraded, but they still do pose a real threat to regional stability.

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And then the fourth issue is the reason why we're even in this situation, which is Iran's brutality toward its own population. If you remember, Terry, last January, Trump on nine occasions warned the Iranian government that if they kill protesters, the United States would intervene. And that was his red line he issued, as I said, on nine occasions. And Iran tore up that red line.

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And that's what actually motivated for him to start this military buildup in the Persian Gulf. But what we've seen is that the president has kind of been all over the place when he's asked what his goal is. Some days he says it's just to get a nuclear deal. Some days he says he wants a Venezuela deal. Some days he wants to implode the regime.

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And that lack of clarity, in my view, has been deeply detrimental because, you know, if you don't know what it is that you're trying to achieve, then you're putting both the U.S. military and our partners in very difficult positions. My guest is Kareem Sajjapoor, a senior fellow at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace.

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Before that, he spent four years as an analyst with the International Crisis Group, and he was based in Tehran as well as Washington during those years. We'll hear more of the interview after a short break. This is Fresh Air. This message comes from WISE, the app for international people using money around the globe.

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You can send, spend, and receive in up to 40 currencies with only a few simple taps. Be smart. Get WISE. Download the WISE app today or visit wise.com. T's and C's apply. So when President Trump expressed support for the Iranian protesters, many of whom were massacred, and then decided to attack Iran, he said, when we are finished, take over your government. It will be yours to take.

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It would be impossible now probably to protest. People would be just totally massacred. I mean, do you agree with that? When I listen to President Trump's language, Terry, it reflects someone who probably hasn't spent any significant amount of time under brutal dictatorship.

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Because when you're living under brutal dictatorship, it is very scary when you go out in the streets and the people of Iran are unarmed and unorganized. And you see many thousands of Basij militia or revolutionary guards who are carrying automatic weapons and have their fingers on the trigger. That's an incredibly intimidating atmosphere.

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And I think one thing that people don't really understand about dictatorships, when people ask, well, how much support does this regime have? And it doesn't matter so much what is the breadth of your support. If you're a dictatorship, it matters much more the depth of your support. So in my view, this is a regime which probably has at best 20, maybe 15% popular support. But

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